By Fazal Rahman, Ph.D. November 25, 2013
The recent repeated killings of young black males (YBMs) in several American states, like Missouri, New York, Ohio, and California -almost all of them unarmed, except in Berkeley, Missouri, where police claims that the YBM pointed a gun at the policeman, before the latter fired on him and killed him (very unlikely, as that YBM was not found to have fired any shots at the policeman. The gun may have been planted after the killing)-and the Grand Juries’ decisions not to even indict the killer cops, have sparked nationwide protests by the Blacks and their supporters, against such monstrous classist-racist injustices. Blacks and their supporters are focusing on a single issue in these cases, that is, the racist police brutality and killings of Blacks with impunity. However, it is essential to also place these within the context of political economy of the interactions of racism and classism in this society, and identify and understand the precise causes that are created by these interactions, which produce all the various classist and racist institutions, including those of the law enforcement agencies and the police departments. The police departments are not alone in inflicting monstrous injustices and atrocities on the Blacks and other minorities, even though, these become glaring and become widely publicized, because of their very nature, and the large scale protests that these provoke among the victimized and oppressed communities in the country. Incomparably larger numbers of professional, economic, and judicial injustices and atrocities are committed against the Blacks and other minorities by almost all the various public, private, government, judicial, and other institutions, also with impunity, in most cases. This report concretely documents and analyzes the nature and causes of these sinister problems in this sinister classist and racist political economy, system, and society, illustrating these with specific examples of the USDA, EEOC, USDOJ, and the Federal Court system.
Single issue foci cannot even make a dent, much less solve these colossal and complex problems. Only when the single and individual issues and problems are comprehended in their accurate politico-economic and social context, the discovery of their real meanings, nature, causes, and solutions becomes possible. The powers-that-be and the status quo want to prevent this from happening at all costs, as their continued domination and control depend on the continuation of fragmentations and mutilations of and disconnections between various parts of reality, problems, and issues. The single-issue approaches play right into their hands.
Blacks and other minorities are facing huge problems of multidimensional oppression, repression, discrimination, impoverishment, and criminalization in the classist-racist politico-economic structure of this society, as well as betrayal by the organizations and leaders that claim to represent their interests. When these organizations and leaders are allowed to cross the class barriers and become part of the upper economic classes, they melt into that class structure and, both consciously and unconsciously, strive to preserve that classist status quo. By doing that, objectively, they end up also preserving the racist status quo, whether they realize it or not.
At this stage of the developments, it is essential for the minorities to create new organizations, new leadership, new unities, new programs, new strategies and tactics, new strength and vigor-all on the basis of new insights, knowledge, and understanding of the classist and racist politico-economic structure, which objectively generates all the problems, issues, causes, and effects and that are then reflected, on the subjective level, in the mass psychologies and cultures of various institutions, as well as in the mass psychologies and cultures of various classes and races, in this society.
End of Postscript 1.1.15
The following report was written on May 19, 1999, and copies were sent to the USDA and EEOC, which made them even more viciously hostile towards me. I was forced to leave the US for a few years, but returned because of the US and NATO invasion of Afghanistan and related civil war and other conflicts on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, where I had moved to. On my return, the racist, politico-economic, and philosophical discriminatory destruction of my career continued unabated. Not a finger was lifted to help me in my struggle for justice and fairness against the cross-institutional networks of the powerful giant bureaucracies of USDA, USDOJ, EEOC, and the Federal court system, the various officials of which collaborated with each other in a clone-like fashion. I have added those experiences under “2013 additions to the report”, at the end of the 1999 Report, on pages 63 to 112.
The politico-economic and racist oppression and exclusion of and discrimination against the minorities, under the administration of the first so-called Black President of the US, Barack Obama, not only continues unabated, but has actually worsened and increased.
USDA was forced into $3.5 billion settlements with hundreds of thousands of minority farmers for decades of discriminatory practices against them. More details can be found under Item Numbers 4, 5, and 7 at the end of this report.
I feel as if I have landed on a Planet of the Demons. Only the most wicked and evil demons can do what has been done to me here, in the “Home of the Brave”, and “Land of the Free”. My own personal experience is a miniscule part of this country’s long diabolical history of genocides-starting with that of the Native Americans and theft of their whole country-, slavery of and discrimination against the Blacks and other minorities, constant invasions and robbery of the resources of numerous Third World countries-most recently of Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya-, plunder of the resources of other nations through neocolonialism, globalization of classist and racist injustice and inequality, and transformation of Homo sapiens into Homo dollarus in its own territory, as well as globally.
One of the fundamental causes of this demonic reality is the mass slavery to totalitarian capital and capitalism and, in the state of extreme alienation and reification, experiencing it as freedom, when, in fact, the whole individual being-mind, body, and soul-as well as the whole social being, are engulfed and regulated by the totalitarian capital. Mass and individual human mental apparatus in such conditions becomes a reflection of the relations of capital and things and their alienated and alienating powers. There is very little, if any, free and unalienated and unreified space left there. The more developed capitalism is in a given society, the more predominant and engulfing this particular type of slavery is in that society.
Report on racism and discrimination in the US Department of Agriculture, US Department of Justice, Federal court system, Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, other agricultural institutions, the scientific establishment, and the US society in general
FAZAL RAHMAN, Ph.D. MAY 19,1999
I. Introduction 2
II. A note on the methodology and language of this writing 7
III. Description 10
A. Experience with the U.S. Department of Agriculture 12
B. Experience with the Montana State University 21
C. Experience with the Michigan State University 22
D. Experience with the South Dakota State University 23
IV. Brief summary of my qualifications and experience 24
V. On merit and meritocracy 27
VI. Phony “Diversity” 36
VII. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and other
EEO-related agencies 37
VIII. Personal Effects 40
IX. Further discussion and analysis 41
X. Economics of classism and racism 52
Literature Cited 62
2013 additions to the report 63-112
1. USDA Class Action Case 63
2. Letter sent to USDA and US Attorney’s Office 66
3. Federal court case of 2005 70
4. USDA forced into $3.5 billion settlements with hundreds of thousands of minority farmer for decades of discriminatory practices against them 91
5. Email sent to CBS 60 Minutes, Frontline, and some investigative reporters of some other networks, requesting the investigation and reporting of the longstanding problems of discrimination and racism in the USDA. 92
6. The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
Meeting of July 22, 2008 – Issues Facing Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) in the Federal Workplace
Statement of Arun C. Basu, Ph.D. Retired USDA Employee 98
I am a U.S. citizen of minority origins and have had extensive experience in the international agricultural research and development in several countries, including the U.S., both as a scientist and as a leader and administrator of large regional and national level programs and institutions, involving a wide variety of plant species and areas of research. I have variable degree of proficiency in seven languages and have developed broad background in several areas of social sciences, in addition to agricultural sciences, e.g., sociology; political economy; mass psychology; philosophy; inter-racial, inter-cultural, and international relations; and studies of U.S. society in connection with the above-mentioned areas.
Historically, there has been, and continues to be, an extreme degree of exclusion of minorities from the work forces of all the scientific professions in the U.S. This situation is particularly sinister in the agricultural research and development and educational institutions in which members of the White race have managed to maintain an extremely high degree of monopoly over jobs, resources, and power throughout the period of social changes that rest of the society has gone through in this respect over the past three decades. It is extremely rare to find any rational or factual discussion (or even mention) of this colossal problem in the “scientific” publications of this country. Members of the dominant race, who control almost all the important levers of power in these professions and who have been able to enlist the help of token and showcase minority members in their efforts to camouflage the reality, are perfectly happy and satisfied with the status quo and rationalize it as the product of a system of selection and promotion based on merit and qualifications. Deeply entrenched meritocracies have evolved throughout the scientific establishment which, in their essence, amount to and coincide with raceocracies as in these one race has extreme degree of monopoly over jobs, resources, and power while all the other races are excluded from them to an extreme degree with demonic self-righteousness. In its November 13, 1992 issue, Science, perhaps the most prestigious journal of the scientific establishment in the U.S., finally condescended to publish some articles on this situation. All of these articles contained shamefully timid and shallow ideas and statements of scientists and others who are well established in the system, many of them token and showcase “minorities”. These totally excluded any mention or analysis of the political economy, sociology, or mass psychology underlying the existing state of affairs, meritocracy, and raceocracy. Historical perspectives were also excluded. Instead, extreme levels of timidity, subjectivity, and diversion were peddled as “scientific objectivity”. Condescending and paternalistic flavor of attitudes in many of these writings was also transparent. Within such a complacent and diversionary framework of unscientific subjective utterances, the quotation of which would be a waste of space and time here, no scientifically or socially effective solutions or remedies could be discovered or proposed as the real causes and nature of this colossal problem were scrupulously and methodically avoided and excluded. The same pattern was repeated by Science in its November 12, 1993 issue. Since then, both the number of writings and their contents on this subject have been greatly reduced and further diluted. Even though Science publishes numerous letters from its very large and “diverse” membership on many controversial subjects in science, I did not encounter any in it, before or after the publication of these articles, on this one of the most important subjects. Neither were any discussions, debates, or analyses published. This attitude is not only a reflection of the psychologies of the editorial leadership of Science, but, more importantly and regrettably, is also a reflection of the mass psychology of the scientific community as a whole, which is totally dominated by Whites and shows little, if any, genuine interest or understanding of this great issue.
The Science and Technology Equal Opportunities Act of 1980 called for the National Science Foundation (NSF) to, besides other things, “increase substantially the contribution and advancement of women and minorities in scientific, professional, and technical careers, and for other purposes.” The NSF was required to report to Congress on the status of women and minorities in science and engineering on biennial basis. Although its reports have included extensive amounts of data on the numbers and salary levels, the NSF’s interpretations and analyses are characterized by the same flaws, omissions, deficiencies, and diversions as mentioned above in case of Science. Objective data, published in the NSF 1992 report Women and Minorities in Science and Engineering: an Update, showed that the representation of all the minorities living in the U.S. – with the exception of Asians, who constitute a relatively tiny part of the total minorities’ population – in all areas of science and engineering, amounted to only 5 percent of the workforce in these professions. The representation of Asians was also reported to be 5 percent. Hence the total representation of all the minorities, including the Asians, amounted to 10 percent of the workforce. Minorities constitute at least 26 percent of the total population in the U.S. Some estimates are as high as 30 percent. The above data also indicated that extreme monopoly of Whites on Ph.D. level positions in the agricultural institutions and professions remained constant and unchanged at 93 percent between 1979 and 1989, the last year for which the data were reported (pp. 80 and 81). In the above data, White Hispanics have been included among the minorities. If they were included in the racial category of White, the degree of exclusion of minorities would become even more sinister. It is relevant to mention here that, in the general labor force, minorities’ representation is 18.2 percent of the total in this country. Hence, the exclusion of minorities from the workforce is much more extreme in various areas of science and engineering than most other areas of professional and economic activity.
In its 1994 report Women, Minorities, and Persons With Disabilities in Science and Engineering, the NSF claimed that the total representation of minorities on the science and engineering workforce is 14 percent, 4 percentage points higher than the above-mentioned 1992 Report figures. At first glance, such phenomenal growth of minorities in the sciences appears to be a cause for great celebration and evidence of the effectiveness of analyses and measures utilized by the NSF and scientific community in counteracting the diabolical levels of exclusion of minorities from their workforce. However, further examination of the 1994 Report makes it abundantly clear that no such thing happened in reality. This “growth” is the result of changes in the sources of data, data themselves, and the very definitions of science and engineering categories and personnel. According to NSF’s own admission, it relinquished its own preferred definitions in this connection in order to use different sources of data than were used in earlier studies. A detailed analysis of this matter is beyond the scope of this writing. For eighteen years, since the above-mentioned Science and Technology Equal Opportunities Act was passed by the Congress, NSF has done very little besides publication of statistical data and shallow, omissive, diversionary, and speculative commentaries on the data, totally excluding any discussion, or even mention, of some of the most important matters in this connection e.g., racism; discrimination; economics, politics, and mass psychology of extreme degree of monopoly over jobs, resources, and power by members of the White race and concomitant extreme degree of exclusion of minorities from them. Such omissive and complacent strategy and tactics, from which the most important matters and their causes were systematically and deliberately excluded, were doomed to dismal failure from the beginning and they did. In face of this dismal failure in carrying out its legal and ethical duties under the 1980 Act, in its 1994 report, the NSF engaged in a shameless attempt to paint a rosy picture in order to claim great progress in this area where there has been none in numerous fields of sciences e.g., aforementioned agricultural scientific professions, and very little in others, simply by changing the sources of data, data themselves, and the crucial definitions – all appearing in intimidating abundance of scientific looking tables of data and commentaries. Such distortion and basically dishonest tactics, presented “scientifically” with “scientific” authority, techniques, and jargon, besides being extremely insulting to the minorities, are, much more importantly, extremely detrimental to their real status and progress in an area which is of crucial importance to peoples’ status and progress under the conditions of modern civilization which is mostly based on the achievements of science and technology. Individual and social status of various groups and populations is determined, in large measure, by their relationships to the scientific and technical institutions, industries, and businesses which deal in their products. Extreme degree of exclusion of minorities from such important areas as sciences constitutes a major part of the foundation of overall inequalities and injustices with which this society is overflowing. In view of the great importance of this matter, it is truly astounding that relatively so little serious and informed attention has been paid to it, even by the minorities themselves and by the very few organizations that claim to represent their interests e.g., The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Urban League etc. By creating “scientific” illusions of great progress by such solipsistic and cynical manipulations of the sources of data and data themselves, the NSF is effectively blocking any real progress in this area as these illusions will prevent the creation of any new measures or mechanisms which might be really effective. In its essence, the 1994 NSF Report serves the deeply entrenched interests of racism, discrimination, and exclusion of minorities from the science and engineering workforce while presenting itself as their friend, ally, and guardian, and disguised in various “scientific” masks of “objectivity”. Perhaps in this post-Orwellian society, it no longer shocks any one that an agency which is entrusted by public legislation to counteract the effects of racism, discrimination, and various injustices, starts practicing these itself “scientifically” and Orwellianly, while continuing to disguise itself as doing the opposite. Such things are all too common. So why make a big fuss? Even under the Reagan and Bush administrations, which were generally hostile to the interests of minorities, the NSF had not degenerated to such levels that are being revealed in these matters under the current Clinton administration which has attempted to present itself as relatively more sympathetic to the interests of minorities and other disadvantaged and oppressed sections of society. I believe that it is of utmost importance that influential individuals and organizations which claim to defend minorities’ interests in this country against racism, discrimination, and injustices, investigate these matters thoroughly and put pressure on executive and legislative branches of government to investigate the NSF and scientific establishment for their lack of any significant progress in the area of equal opportunities in the sciences during the past eighteen years since the passage of the 1980 Act, for the distortion 1994 Report, which is, in its essence, extremely damaging to the most elementary and fundamental interests of minorities, and for exclusion of all empirical data and information, based on individual and group experiences of minorities, from its reports and analyses. The NSF and Science totally ignored these matters when I tried to bring them to their attention and also ignored and refused my offer to provide them with empirical information and data in this connection. No empirical data or evidence, based on minorities’ group or individual experiences and cases of discrimination, were sought, collected, accepted or analyzed for the above-mentioned reports of NSF and Science. Hence, the most important scientific information on these matters was totally excluded from them by the organizers who are, obviously, so blinded by and intoxicated with their self-serving classist and racist solipsism in this connection that they are refusing to allow the minority victims of the demonic types and levels of injustices and discrimination of their establishments to even become part of the statistical and conceptual data in studies and reports which are supposed to be “scientifically” researching the problems of extreme under-representation of minorities in science and engineering! Such people are claiming to be the champions of minorities’ rights and interests! If such is the state of affairs in some of the nation’s highest scientific authorities, one can only imagine what it is like in rest of the scientific establishment. I personally do not have to imagine. I know it first hand through my own extensive experiences and observations as well as in-depth studies.
I contacted both Science and NSF repeatedly and informed them of the very valuable and relevant information I had collected and analyzed, based on my own numerous experiences and cases of discrimination against part of their establishment. I offered to provide them with all the information I had and to cooperate in every manner to reveal the facts and develop the analyses rationally and empirically. My offers were totally ignored and there was no reaction whatsoever to the systematic career destruction and persecution that I was being subjected to. Nothing could be more anti-scientific and anti-human than this level of self-centered solipsism, exclusion of the most important empirical evidence and data, and demonic callousness and indifference to demonic injustices within the scientific establishment. And yet, these same people never tire of boasting to the whole world, with deafening noise, their devotion to science, scientific method, rationality, truth, pluralism, democracy, human rights etc. etc. ad nauseam, without batting an eye. Verily, there is no shame, no real conscience, and no sincerity left under the existing environment of mass opportunism and money- and power-worship that dominates the scientific institutions in this society. As far as the range of opinions and ideas in the Science and NSF reports and articles is concerned, these hardly exceeded the tweedledum and tweedledee. Not only the dissident but any other opinions, ideas, interpretations, or analysis, which went beyond the boundaries of tweedledum and tweedledee, were totally excluded from them. These are the real attitudes and behavior of people who constantly preach scientific freedom, pluralism, diversity, and human rights all over the world and express extreme indignation at the alleged lack of these in numerous other countries. The hypocrisy, dishonesty, and double standards could hardly be more nauseating.
These were some of the objective structures and realities of the situation and general environment in the scientific establishments in the U.S. in which I found myself in 1978 when I immigrated to this country as a result of my marriage to a U.S. citizen. I became a U.S. citizen myself in 1982, having had a legal permanent resident status until then. During these last 20 years, I have had extensive experiences and exposure to the civil rights and equal employment opportunity (EEO) situation in the agricultural scientific establishment in this country. I gained firsthand knowledge and insights into the role of various EEO sections of the institutions themselves as well as that of the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) during the processing and adjudicating of my numerous cases of employment and other forms of discrimination and systematic destruction of my career. In the following pages, I will describe and analyze a few of those cases without going into the full details of all the factual and logical evidence as that would greatly increase the volume of this document. However, all the factual and logical evidence, on which my statements, analyses, and conclusions are based, is contained in my various case files and can be made available on request.
II. A note on the methodology and language of this writing
There are many similarities in the methodologies and subject matters of natural sciences and social and human sciences. However, there is also the most fundamental and great difference between the two. The subject matter of social and human sciences involves humans – the most unique and complex form of life which has evolved through evolutionary, socio-economico-political, cultural, historical, and other processes – in whom highly developed and complex forms of consciousness, rationality, spirituality, emotions, ethics etc. have developed, which are entirely different from those encountered in other forms of life and of which the inanimate components of nature seem to be totally devoid. Enormous advances in the knowledge of material nature and its applications in the various areas of natural sciences during the past few centuries in general and the latter half of this century in particular have had powerful and profound influences on social and human sciences, their methodology and language, and how information and knowledge is obtained and presented in them. The effects of all this have been extremely contradictory on the development of social and human sciences. On the one hand, techniques and methods of gathering, analyzing, interpreting, and reporting of data and other information, mostly borrowed from the natural sciences, have greatly benefited the social and human sciences in enhancing their objectivity and horizons. On the other hand, however, this has also led to one-sided copying and imposition of the methodology and language forms of the natural sciences on the social and human sciences, ignoring and excluding the great fundamental differences between the two as pointed out above i-e., the specific and unique characteristics of humans which distinguish them from other forms of life and material nature. In particular, the spiritual-emotional and ethical categories of human reality are ignored and excluded to an extreme degree, in the name of “science”, in the modern “scientific” discussions of social and human problems and issues. This has led to a fundamental and colossal distortion (hereto forth referred to as the Great Distortion) at the very basis of epistemology in various areas of the social and human sciences, a distortion which has become all-pervasive and manifests itself in all forms of deficiencies, flaws, omissions, and perversions as well as deliberate abuses and manipulations throughout the “scientific” literature involving social and human sciences, masquerading as “objectivity”. One of the most powerful and important effects of this distortion has been on the type of language which is used in social and human sciences, making it increasingly mechanistic and fragmented and exclusive of spiritual, emotional, ethical, and other such categories. These and other effects of the Great Distortion in social and human sciences make their contents and language extremely vulnerable to manipulations by the vested classist and racists interests as well as others who may have sufficient motivations for such abuses. Spiritual, emotional, ethical, and other such categories describe and refer to some of the most important components of human and social reality and purging these from methodology and language, dealing with this reality and its components, purges and excludes these most important contents of reality from investigation, discourse, thought, and knowledge. As a result of almost universal application of this Great Distortion in human and social sciences, a highly purged and artificialized human and social “reality” is happily created and paraded as “objective” and “scientific”. In real reality, however, such purging, reductionism, and artificialization lead to extremely anti-scientific and anti-objective results and effects in social and human sciences and are frequently utilized by vested classist, racist, and other interests to mutilate and annihilate truth, justice, and goodness with the aid of purged, mutilated, fragmented, and artificialized “facts” and “data”. Unity and integrity of facts is thus most brutally violated in the name of science. They are mechanicalized and split up from their objective organic-holistic structure; in which they are, inextricably, part of and interconnected with spiritual, emotional, ethical, philosophical, and other facts, all of which form organically linked parts of the truth. “Facts” and “data” thus mechanicalized and split from truth and various other categories mentioned above can be, and frequently are, utilized freely and subjectively by vested interests of power and money for deduction of conclusions which are in their own self-interests and exclusion of those which are in conflict with them. On the other hand, “spiritual”, “emotional”, “ethical”, and other such categories as well as “truth”- abstracted and fragmented from the mechanicalized split-off “facts”, as described above, also freed from their interconnected structure with the “facts” – become available to the vested money and power interests whenever there is a need for lip service to these categories or for perversion of values e.g., evil into good, lies into truth, injustice into justice, disgrace into grace, ugliness into beauty, violence and aggression into non-violence and peacefulness, hatred into love, and, above all, racism into merit etc. etc. and vice versa. This diabolical game is thoroughly political and yet it is played out under the “neutral” cover and pretensions of “scientific” method and “objectivity” in connection with some of the most important socio-economico-political problems and issues in social and human sciences as well as in politics. By now, this process has become so fashionable, deeply entrenched, and automatic that any deviation from it is automatically dismissed and labeled as “unscientific” and “unscholarly”. Combined with the powerful forces and processes of classist and racist political economy, culture, and mass psychology, the Great Distortion in human and social sciences – which is closely integrated with them both in forms of cause and effect – has been, and is, wrecking havoc with human nature and spirit, which are being distorted, perverted, corrupted, mutilated, and turned into their opposite i-e., demonic anti-spirit, on massive social levels – covered up under layers and layers of glittering and illusion generating masks of various kinds, including the most important and soul destroying mask and weapon of totally and self-consciously hypocritical, dishonest, and deceptive manipulation of language, words, speech, and images, constantly bombarded into the population’s mass mental apparatus with demonic efficiency with the help of highly developed mass media and other technologies, strategies, and tactics. Wisdom, of course, is totally exiled from this paradise of demons. Also, the language, speech, and words have been powerfully desecrated and literally Orwellianized in social, political, and philosophical discourse. Moreover, these processes are also being internationalized with great force and speed. I had published a paper on some of the root causes of these matters in 1980 (Rahman, F. Effects of the contemporary technological model on the genetic regulation of different inner human faculties. Journal of Social and Biological Structures, pp. 375-389, 1980). During 1982, I developed and expanded the theory and ideas of my paper in another paper which remained unpublished.
The use of language and methods of description and analysis in this writing reflect a deep and profound awareness of the great problems created by the Great Distortion in social and human sciences as well as their conscious rejection and an effort to rise above them.
It should be self evident that through in-depth analyses and understanding of individual cases and practices, in addition to the nature of particular injustices and practices, the systematic, general, and institutionalized nature of such injustices and practices, adversely affecting all members of the victimized and oppressed groups, can also be revealed. If deductive and inductive logical operations are rationally and sincerely used, in combination with relevant data, information, and knowledge, effective solutions to many of such problems can be discovered on social and institutional levels. However, this approach is contrary to the power and money interests – the bottom line – of the dominant classist and racist elites and hence its very opposite is practiced i-e., to restrict the individual cases to themselves as much as possible and to prevent any general and structural evidence, connections, or conclusions from emerging from them, again in the name of “scientific” and “objective” approach. Throughout the processing of my numerous cases against various institutions by various EEO-related agencies, numerous such methods were used to ignore and undermine the evidence and facts and to resort to demonic levels of irrationality and bias in order to support the actions and policies of classist and racist dominant interests and to deny me the access to justice. There were only two individual exceptions in this regard i-e., the honorable decision of Ms. Dolores Rozzi, Director of Federal Operations at the EEOC, on my appeal (Appeal No. 01911489) in 1991, in which she ordered the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) to restore some of the central and most important issues and evidence of my cases against it which it had, most blatantly and shamelessly, conspired to expunge from them; and the “probable cause” finding of the Investigator of Montana Human Rights Commission in the case against the Montana State University. In the EEOC and EEO system in general, such fairness and justice are extremely rare and far between. Officials are, usually, heavily tilted in favor of the dominant money, business, institutional, and other power interests and do their utmost to minimize the costs of injustice, racism, and discrimination to them. Frequently, they are allowed to get away with total impunity while victims of their unjust brutalities receive no relief, compensation, or justice. In relatively very small proportion of cases, in which victims are represented by competent or prestigious lawyers, which few can afford, or some relatively powerful civil rights group, the outcome is in favor of the victims but the costs to the violators of their rights is still kept to a minimum.
In this writing, as in all my previous writings on these subjects, specific and individual aspects, issues, and problems of my cases, experiences, and studies will be examined and analyzed within the framework of their general, structural, and institutionalized context, which will be revealed during the process of analysis. A comprehensive understanding of the nature and role of this general context is crucial for understanding and evaluation of various facts, evidence, issues, and problems of individual cases in this area. Hence, considerable effort will be spent on the explication of this matter.
Within the context of social conditions of the U.S. society in general and that of the scientific establishments in particular, a combination of closely related and intertwined mass psychology of racist discrimination and mass psychology of hypocrisy and dishonesty in the equal employment opportunity related areas, has become the major force and cause of the perpetuation of the status quo of extreme degree of monopoly over jobs, resources, and power by the dominant White race and concomitant extreme degree of exclusion of minorities from these. This mass psychology tends to be highly developed, sophisticated, self-confident and self-righteous, both theoretically and in practice. Therefore, it is of utmost importance to precisely identify and elaborate the role of various components and mechanisms of this mass psychology and its operations in practice as well as the results of these operations. A conscious attempt will be made to do this in this report.
At the time of my immigration to this country, I was only generally and vaguely aware of these problems in the U.S. society. I did not know the depth and extent to which the whole society and its state and private institutions were so self-righteously and thoroughly infected with racist discrimination and injustice. In fact, I would not have believed such facts if I had been informed of them in ways other than my own personal experiences, observations, readings, and analysis. I also had no idea of what was in store for me personally.
Within the objective situation of institutionalized extreme monopoly over jobs, resources, and power by the White race in the scientific establishment in general and the agricultural scientific establishment in particular, as documented earlier, it was, objectively, almost impossible for minorities to receive fair and equal consideration or evaluation, in spite of all the nauseating hypocritical propaganda and noise to the contrary about “equal employment opportunity”. In addition to the socio-historically rooted political economy of racism, the deeply entrenched and automatic mass psychology of the decision-makers, almost all of whom belong to the White race and control the so-called selection committees and other selection and promotion processes, has made racist injustice and discrimination against the minorities a standard and automatic practice, just like the automatic mass psychology of hypocrisy has made the denial of this reality and vehement assertion of its contrary a standard and automatic practice. In case of immigrants from the so-called “Third World” countries like myself, the injustices and discrimination are multiplied manifold through the various processes of automatic mass psychology of national, religious, cultural, and political chauvinism and narrow-mindedness, all covered up under hypocritical mechanical smiles, inflicted on one with great sadistic generosity. I am deeply committed to struggle against all forms of injustice, discrimination, and other evils. I also continue to identify strongly with the struggle of developing countries for fairness, liberation, and progress. I have done extensive studies on many of these issues and problems and have also written extensively on them. It could not be clearer that many of the most important problems of developing countries are rooted in the history of colonialism and neo-colonialism, inflicted on them by the so-called “developed” countries of the “First World”. Overwhelming majority of the members of scientific establishment in the U.S. are totally ignorant of such elementary facts of history and viciously attack persons who may have strived to acquire knowledge and information in these areas. I am one of such extremely rare persons in science in this country who also took the concepts of democracy, pluralism, and diversity seriously and sincerely in opposition to the common practice of reserving these concepts, almost exclusively, for lip service, advertisements, and hypocritical public speeches and other declarations by the image spinners and manipulators. In the upside-down perverted world of the scientific establishment, among others, such virtues and qualities are treated as vices in practice, even though abstract lip service may still be paid to them lavishly by the same people who engage in such practices. Such factors of mass psychology and behavior play extremely powerful and fundamental roles in the socio-economico-political (including the inter-racial) relationships and decision-making processes in the scientific establishment, mostly as background components but also overtly and explicitly. Yet their existence and the importance of their role are hardly acknowledged. On the contrary, if these are pointed out, they are denied most vehemently and aggressively and nothing less than total dedication to “merit” is declared as the operative norm. It is totally overlooked that much of the practice and application of “merit”, which is subjected to extreme forms of self-serving technocratic reductionism and tailoring, in effect, discriminates against some of the above-mentioned virtues and qualities and perverts them into their opposites.
Due to limitations of space, it is not possible to present all the various details of all the various experiences in this writing. Only some of the major points of few of my cases will be discussed below. Full details and documented proofs, on which my statements in this writing are based, are contained in my case files and can be provided on request. During the prolonged period of systematic destruction of my career in this country, I applied for hundreds of research and development and teaching positions in various areas of agriculture for which I was highly qualified and experienced. My national origin and race etc. are self-evident in my curriculum vitae. I was not even given the opportunity of an interview in the preliminary selection procedures. I filed dozens of complaints with the EEOC’s various regional offices only to discover the unlimited incompetence, irrationality, and collaboration of its various officials with policies and actions of the powers that be, in the service of the status quo. I never imagined that people could be so highly brain-washed into such brain-dead irrationality and immunity to reason, evidence, and facts as were various officials of the EEOC who seemed to be merely going through zombie-like mechanical motions in “processing” the cases, without the slightest use of human intelligence or ethics. As mentioned on page 8, there was only one exception in this regard i-e., the honorable, just, and rational action of Ms. Dolores Rozzi, Office of Federal Operations of the EEOC, on my appeal. Overwhelming majority of my cases were most unjustly and discriminatorily brutalized by various other officials of this Orwellian organization. Following are brief descriptions of some of the main relevant facts of a few of my cases:
A. Experience with the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA)
In 1985, I filed a case of employment discrimination against the Agricultural Research Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA/ARS) for non-selection for a position for which I was highly qualified. During the process of investigation, it became clear that a much less qualified White candidate had been selected for that position. USDA tried to use various pretexts e.g., that I was “over-qualified” and that I had made some statements in my application materials which indicated my awareness and dissatisfaction with the EEO situation in the agricultural establishment. My case was very strong and their pretexts were very clumsy and discriminatory. Severe damages were already being inflicted on my life and career in this country at that time as a result of forced discriminatory unemployment. The position I applied for was a permanent position. The Agency took advantage of my situation and only offered a temporary two-year position, which was of much lower level than those I had occupied in my previous career, in return for dropping the charges. Due to extreme professional and financial hardships that I was suffering as a result of highly institutionalized employment discrimination practices (profession-and country-wide), I was forced to sign a settlement and release agreement and dropped the charges.
At Prosser, Washington, where the above-mentioned temporary position was located, I was shocked to find that I was the only minority member on the scientific and administrative level workforce of the agency. Out of 46 employees of the Agency at that location there was only one more minority member, at lower support level technical position. My two years employment experience at Prosser, between 1986 and 1988, with the Agency, was truly a nightmare, the worst of my life. I was subjected to numerous and variable forms of conspiracies, harassment, and other unjust, unfair, and discriminatory practices and actions by many White employees.
During 1988 and 1989, I filed several cases of discrimination against the above practices and actions as well as some closely intertwined cases of continued employment discrimination against my highly qualified candidacy for some permanent Agency positions (Cases Nos. 880830, 881129, 881012, 900608 etc…). All these cases were filed with the EEO complaint processing section of the Agency. During the investigation of these cases, indubitable evidence came to surface which showed the most blatant conspiracies against my career. Even some McCarthyite documents, containing erroneous and clumsy accusations, were found in the Agency records, which were being used by higher level Agency officials in their actions against my candidacy for the permanent Agency positions. These documents were written by my enemies at Prosser. I was never informed of the existence of these documents and was given no chance to defend myself against their malicious, erroneous, and discriminatory contents. Instead, the higher level Agency officials at their regional headquarters in California and national headquarters in Maryland used them as weapons for destruction of my career, without my knowledge! The nature and level of discriminatory actions and damages to my career were only multiplied by the attitudes, culture, and actions of the Agency officials in its EEO complaint processing offices in Washington, D.C. These officials engaged in even much worse forms of unfair, unjust, irrational, and even crooked discriminatory practices, conspiracies, and actions, in order to deprive me of any kind of substantial relief for professional and economic damages. They, totally callously and unnecessarily, prolonged the “processing” of my cases to more than three years, during which they were designing and testing various methods of beating the hell out of facts, evidence, logic, and justice. They also wanted to frustrate and exhaust me. One of the methods consisted of an attempt to abuse the concept and method of the offers of “full relief” to the victims in return for dropping the charges. They conspiratorially split my closely intertwined and inextricably interconnected cases, and the evidence contained in them, in such a way that the crucial facts and evidence for the professional-economic damages would not be included or considered as part of the professional-economic issues but would, instead, be considered in isolation and abstraction and only non-substantial relief measures, e.g. an apology, correction of unfair performance ratings, removal of the above-mentioned secret clumsy, erroneous, and destructive McCarthyite documents from my records etc. etc., would be offered for these maliciously fragmented and abstracted parts of the cases. They had the audacity to call these abstract fragmented non-substantial measures as “full relief”!!! By using this method and after long intervals, they issued equally abstract and fragmented proposed dispositions, from which all the central issues and evidence were methodically removed by the use of above tactics and which also contained no professional or economic relief for professional and economic damages. This whole strategy was invented by the Agency officials to deprive me of all the real and substantial relief and justice. When I rejected such nakedly phony and discriminatory “full relief” offer, they launched a frontal assault on those central issues, facts, and evidence themselves, for which they were pretending to be offering “full relief” and which they had conspired to fragment and abstract from the inextricably intertwined and interconnected professional-economic issues of my cases. They claimed that they had the authority to cancel and expunge those central issues, facts, and evidence from my cases altogether as I had rejected their offer of “full relief”!!! I was forced to appeal to the Office of Federal Operations of the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (OFO-EEOC) against such blatant, irrational, and discriminatory injustice. Director of the OFO-EEOC, Ms. Dolores Rozzi, wrote a very competent, well reasoned, and just decision in my favor on my appeal and ordered the Agency to restore the canceled and expunged issues, facts, and evidence to their central place in my cases. The Agency’s actions were declared null and void in this connection and it was ordered to process my cases in specified ways and to complete the processing within specified limits of time. It was also ordered to process my complaints and analyses of the discriminatory and conspiratorial ways in which the Agency was “processing” and “adjudicating” my cases. In her decision, Ms Rozzi also judged that the measures offered by the Agency as “full relief” were not full relief at all and that their acceptance would have harmed other parts of my cases, hence, judging the Agency’s actions in this connection to be malicious in effect.
The Agency failed to comply with most of these orders but claimed that it was complying with them. It also failed to complete the processing of my cases within the period of time specified in the OFO-EEOC decision. At the EEOC, monitoring the compliance of Agency with the decision of Ms. Rozzi was assigned to a different office i-e., Office of Compliance, whose Compliance Officer turned out to be a very complacent and wishy-washy person. He failed to take any action against the Agency for all the non-compliance even 45 days after the deadline in which the Agency was supposed to have completed the ordered processing. During that period, I called the Compliance Officer many times on the telephone, pointing out to him that USDA officials had almost totally failed to comply with almost all the specific orders of the EEOC decision on my appeal (Encl. 1, copy of the EEOC decision on my Appeal No. 01911489), and urging him to take action against this blatant and arrogant non-compliance. His responses were always wishy-washy, evasive, and contradictory. On the one hand, he stated that he knew how the Agency used various tactics to exhaust and frustrate the victims. On the other, he advised me that it was up to me and the Agency to arrive at some agreement. Already more than three years of my life had been laid to waste because of various plots and conspiracies hatched by the Agency officials to deprive me of any substantial justice. I was getting financially and emotionally exhausted and my old mother, whom I had not seen in five years, was seriously ill in Pakistan and needed my financial and other help. The Agency and EEOC officials were informed of these difficulties. At that stage, the Agency presented me with a settlement and release agreement, which was, basically, extremely humiliating, discriminatory, and partial. It did not include any job offer for my discriminatory non-selection for several permanent Agency positions, even though the Agency official, Dr. Eldean Gerloff, had discussed with me a job offer several times on the telephone prior to meeting with me in connection with the written settlement agreement. That agreement only included an entirely inadequate and extremely partial monetary compensation which, in fact, did not even equal the back pay which I was entitled to as part of the “make whole” relief. Most importantly, it included a clause which contained waiver of future employment rights with the agency. This clause was self-evidently in violation of the Title VII prospective rights. Under Title VII, the inclusion of waiver of any prospective Title VII rights in the settlement agreements is illegal and the right to employment is the most important Title VII right. It also became clear to me that I was being exploited and manipulated into signing the minimal agreement and that the Agency officials had come to the meeting with several prewritten versions and were trying the minimal one first. I felt very sick and disgusted at such manipulations, in addition to what I had already gone through. I could not, and still can not, understand how people can become so conscienceless and sadistic to subject other human beings to such exploitation, destruction, manipulation, and torture. The other Agency official, accompanying Dr. Gerloff, was quite hostile during the meeting and was attempting to intimidate and coerce me openly. His name was Mr. Frank Steiner. At one point, when I stated that it was incomprehensible to me how such injustices, as I was being subjected to by the Agency, were possible in a society which claims to be the epitome of democracy, Mr. Steiner responded that the founding fathers never intended democracy for the minorities and that therefore there was no democracy for them!!! It was a very shocking statement from an official of a federal government agency and therefore I remember it so vividly. In our telephone conversations, prior to the meeting, I had developed the impression that the other Agency official, Dr. Gerloff, was a fair-minded person and that he wanted to do justice. He continued to be courteous in the meeting. But, obviously, the higher level Agency officials prevented him from doing justice. I am a philosopher and a scientist. It is extremely disgraceful for me to be subjected to such manipulative and exploitative game playing as I was being subjected to in the meeting.
Even though I could clearly see what I was being subjected to, it was below my dignity to play those games. This was a most serious and sacred matter of justice and not of exploitative desecrating game-playing. In spite of all my revulsion, I signed the settlement and release agreement due to above-mentioned as well as following coercive and exploitative pressures and circumstances:
1. Prior to my cases against the USDA, I had filed numerous cases of employment discrimination against various other agricultural research and development and educational institutions throughout the U.S. with various regional branches of the EEOC. Many of these cases were very strong and included indubitable evidence of selections of less qualified and experienced White candidates within the context of workforces in these institutions in which Whites maintained an extremely high degree of monopoly over jobs and resources (in most cases, close to 95 percent or above). Various EEOC officials handling these cases had themselves frustrated all my efforts to obtain justice and equal treatment. It had become transparent to me that, with a few individual exceptions, EEOC was collaborating, most shamelessly and mindlessly, with the policies and actions of the powers that be and was, in fact, an integral part of the institutional network of these classist-racist-elitist powers, performing the essential function of legitimizing their actions and the system as a whole as well as minimizing the costs of unjust discriminatory actions to the violators of minorities’ rights. Of course, with the name of “U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission”, EEOC had to balance this essential function with actions that went contrary to it to maintain a certain amount of credibility. In addition, there are also some genuine and conscientious exceptions in it in regards to these generalizations. However, the main EEOC apparatus, especially since 1980, beginning with the Reagan era, has been blatantly collaborationist with the classist-racist-elitist powers and their institutions. In an article in The Nation, Professor Steve Watkins showed that although the number of discrimination complaints has been increasing greatly, there are fewer and fewer EEOC negotiated settlements and class actions. Before 1981, the EEOC was settling 32 percent of the cases it closed. That figure dropped to less than 14 percent in 1993. The “merit Resolutions”, or settlements, fell from 26,507 in 1981 to 11,032 in 1991, while the complaint dismissals rose from 21,097 to 38,369 during that period. Professor Watkins cited the example of hundreds of complaints of minority employees of Shoney’s, Inc., one of the largest family restaurant chains in the country, with a billion-and-a-half-dollar-a-year business in thirty six states, and a history of clearly racist policies in hiring and promotion. Overwhelming majority of these complaints with the EEOC got nowhere. There were only a few small individual settlements. He concludes that the treatment of these complaints at the EEOC is typical, “in keeping with what for some time has been the commission’s (EEOC’s) chamber-of-commerce approach to discrimination complaints.” The Federal judicial system had also become increasingly complacent with the classist and racist practices during that period and the class action certification requests had been in a free fall for more than a decade, down 96 percent from 1,106 in 1975 to 51 in 1989!!! Shoney’s minority employees were fortunate to employ the services of a principled civil rights attorney, Tommy Warren, a very rare exception to the standard greed-dominated-and-regulated legal professionals, who was able to document such overwhelming and easily understood evidence of racism and discrimination that the prevention of filing of a class action in the court became impossible. The evidence of this case, as in many other such cases, successfully challenged the EEOC’s smug and often-repeated assertion that “demographic diversity” had been achieved in the workplace and that systematic discrimination no longer existed!!! As a result of extremely hard and dedicated work of Warren and some others, Shoney’s was forced to a record out-of-court settlement with thousands of minority workers (The Nation, pp. 424-428, Oct. 18, 1993). A similar settlement was achieved recently by hundreds of TEXACO minority employees under similar circumstances as a result of attention of the news media and civil rights leaders and organizations. These cases represent extremely rare exceptions. Overwhelming majority of cases of discrimination do not receive any such attention or services of competent and dedicated attorneys and consequently get nowhere.
The practices of the USDA and numerous other agricultural research and development and educational institutions, as well as other scientific institutions, are not much different than those of Shoney’s and Texaco’s in relation to minorities. The EEOC is thoroughly aware of that. Prior to my appeal to the EEOC against the above-mentioned USDA actions, USDA was already forced to submit an affirmative action plan to the EEOC in connection with some of its most blatantly discriminatory management and other practices against the minorities (Encl. 2, from Weekly Federal Employees News Digest, Vol. 37, No. 39, May 9, 1988). Some relevant information had also appeared in the news media about maltreatment of minorities at the USDA (Encl. 3, The New York Times, June 12, 1986, p. Y10). In his letter of February 17, 1993, the then Secretary of Agriculture, Mr. Mike Espy, had recognized the existence of these problems in the USDA and informed me that numerous other victims of USDA discriminatory policies and actions had also contacted him with stories of discrimination and maltreatment similar to mine (Encl. 4). During the “processing” and “adjudication” of my cases, I was subjected to some of the most asinine and conscienceless arrogance imaginable by numerous high-ranking officials of the USDA. An internal USDA report, by the USDA Employee Focus Group on EEO and Civil Rights, entitled “Focus Group Report”, issued on July 1, 1993, (Encl. 5), is quite candid and truthful in description and analysis of the situation in the Agency, characterized by highly institutionalized and extreme forms of racism, discrimination, unfairness, and cronyism etc.. This internal departmental report also made various recommendations, the implementation of which could improve the situation considerably. There is no evidence for any such implementation.
My prolonged subjection to professional-economic and psychological warfare by the USDA, my knowledge of and personal experiences with the anti-EEO and collaborative policies and actions and record of the EEOC, and the collaborative passivity of the EEOC Compliance Officer in case of my appeal against the USDA were major factors which interacted with each other at the time of my signing the discriminatory and unjust settlement agreement as my confidence in obtaining justice through the EEOC or the judicial system had been severely eroded. As described on pages 11 and 12, the Agency had engaged in extremely corrupt, malicious, and dishonest actions in relation to its offer of “full relief”, which was in reality the opposite of real full relief. EEOC’s own decision on my appeal confirmed the truth of that conclusion. And yet, in spite of the Agency’s blatant non-compliance with the specific orders and terms of that decision, not only within the specified deadline, but much beyond it, the EEOC failed to take any action against the Agency. The least the EEOC could have done under those conditions, if it had any real regard for fairness and justice, it would have granted me the real full and “make whole” relief, besides taking other essential rectifying actions which would also prevent the recurrence of such unjust brutalities. Instead of taking any such action, the Compliance Officer of the EEOC advised me that it was up to me and the Agency to arrive at some agreement!!! The exceptionally rational and just decision of Ms. Dolores Rozzi, Director of the OFO-EEOC, on my appeal was the only positive experience I had had with the EEOC during my numerous cases against various institutions. Even that one instance of justice was prevented from objectification and realization by the attitudes and collaborative passivity of the Compliance Officer in face of self-evident and arrogant non-compliance of the Agency officials with the terms, orders, letters, and spirit of that decision. If the EEOC had fulfilled its duties professionally and ethically at the most crucial stage of my cases, I could never have been coerced into signing the discriminatory settlement agreement.
2. The Agency had conspired to exhaust me psychologically, professionally, economically, and emotionally by subjecting me to more than three years of systematic psychological and professional-economic warfare. This had disabling effects on me at that time. As described above, the EEOC Compliance Officer had told me on the telephone that he was aware of such tactics of the Agency officials and that they routinely engaged in such practices. And yet, he took no action whatsoever and allowed them to impose a thoroughly discriminatory and humiliating settlement agreement on me and to assassinate my career in this country.
3. My old mother became very sick in Pakistan. I had not seen her for five years. Previously my father, who was a lawyer, had died while having to work hard from his deathbed as my ability to help him financially had been ruined demonically by the most conscienceless forms of life I have ever had the misfortune to encounter in this life. In the culture where I was born and grew up, it is one of the most important duties of offspring to take care of their old parents. The demonic levels of discrimination that I encountered in the agricultural professions here disabled me to fulfill my duties in this connection. It was of utmost importance for me to help my mother financially as well as in other ways at that time.
4. All the Agency officials were totally intoxicated with the bureaucratic culture and powers of discrimination, racism, and injustice against the minorities as well as with the efficacy of verbal hypocrisy and denial of reality in this regard. It seemed that they could call the day a night and night a day, would agree with each other, and get away with it. Any real justice within the culture of Agency was, practically, an impossibility. This conclusion is supported by the findings of the Agency’s own above mentioned internal report (Encl. 5)
5. Within the highly institutionalized, self-righteous, and demonically rigid racist-discriminatory structures and environment of the scientific establishment in general and agricultural scientific establishment in particular, in which, as shown above, the White race had established and maintained an extreme degree of monopoly over jobs, resources, and power, it was totally impossible to obtain any help or support in any form whatsoever. Instead, I encountered total hostility, silence, indifference, and collaborative destruction of my career at the hands of the professional community. I informed officials of the American Society of Agronomy (ASA) as well as of the “Human Rights” office of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) of the total violation of my professional, citizenship, and human rights. These dishonest and robotic people did not even have the courtesy to answer my letters. And yet, they exploit every opportunity of human rights abuses of scientists in many other countries which have been declared, for one reason or another, as enemies by the ruling political power of the U.S., giving all types of publicity and documenting and exaggerating every little detail. Yet, when similar or even much worse injustices are inflicted on victims by parts of their own establishment here in the U.S., they act as demons of indifference and silence as well as actively join in the persecutions!!! A higher degree of self-righteous hypocrisy and dishonesty is not imaginable. And yet, this is the standard practice in the scientific community of this society. As a protest, I withdrew my membership from the ASA and informed them of my reasons for doing so. I received no response from these absolute hypocrites who continue to pay empty lip service to EEO for white-washing purposes. Their attitude in this regard is that it is sufficient to declare that they are an EEO supportive institution regardless of the actual facts or reality in this connection which, invariably, are in total contradiction to their formal and false declarations. There is no way that they cannot see the transparent hypocrisy. They systematically practice it and systematically get away with it. Their prolonged and repeated successes in this regard, over time, transform the hypocrisy into established norm and then into “truth”. They start believing in their own lies as “truth” through this subjective mass psychological process. It is perhaps more realistic to expect help from the Devil in one’s struggle against evil than from these clones of self-righteous hypocrisy in one’s struggle against racist discrimination and injustice in this country. I was forced to struggle against the powerful Goliath of USDA bureaucracy totally alone. Not a finger was lifted to help me. On the contrary, the damages to my life and career were multiplied. It is most significant to ask in what kind of society such monstrosities and evils are not only possible but are the norm?
6. At the time of processing of my cases, I had obtained a copy of the official data on the racial composition of USDA/ARS’ world wide workforce. These data showed that 93 percent of the professional level positions were occupied by members of the White race. Minorities were almost totally excluded from the higher level decision-making positions. In combination with other factors, this had made the possibility of obtaining any justice almost impossible.
7. The settlement and release agreement states that I was signing the agreement “voluntarily”. What does the world “voluntary” mean within the context of circumstances and the highly institutionalized system of racist-discriminatory injustice and power structures as described above? The word “voluntary” is derived from the Latin word “voluntarius”, meaning actions that proceed from one’s free will or choice. The Latin “voluntarius” is an adjective of the noun “voluntas”, which means choice, will (from Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary). The above agreement was wholly formulated by the Agency and it was presented to me in a type-written form. No changes were made in it prior to obtaining my signature. The Agency had subjected me to prolonged professional, economic, and psychological warfare and torture. Under extreme stresses created by all that, even my marriage had broken up and I had become separated from my only little son whom I loved with all my soul. This development had further compounded the nature and level of stresses. Under such conditions, as described in this writing, I was hardly in a position or capable of making “free” choices, exercising “free” will etc. which are implied by and involved in the concept of voluntary agreement. On the contrary, I signed the agreement under the most discriminatory, oppressive, unjust, brutal, exploitative, irrational, and stressful pressures of my life, pressures which were implemented by the Agency over a period of several years. This was and is the reality. In connection with the settlement and release agreement, it is very important to mention that one of its clauses effectively bans me from applying for the USDA/ARS positions forever!!! Specifically, it states, “Dr. Rahman further agrees that he will not seek to obtain further employment with the Agency. Dr. Rahman also agrees to withdraw any and all applications for employment that may be pending processing by the Agency. Dr. Rahman agrees to hold the Agency harmless when the Agency either does not consider or fails to consider any future applications received from him and such applications are returned to him without consideration.” The imposition of this blatantly discriminatory and humiliating clause on me in the agreement constituted the ultimate in injustice, racism, and discrimination. The USDA/ARS is the single largest employer of agricultural research scientists in this country and the closing of its doors even to my applications for employment effectively blocked off my access to the single largest source of employment opportunities in my areas of expertise in this country. How can such blatant racist-discriminatory injustices be compatible with the laws and constitution of this country? It is especially repugnant that a Federal government agency engaged in such actions. Federal government is supposed to implement and enforce justice for all in the society. When its own agencies start engaging in such demonic injustices, what credibility can the government have in its claims of being the promoter and guardian of justice in the society as a whole? During the processing of my cases, in my rebuttals, I had made in-depth analyses of the highly systematic and institutionalized problems of racism and discrimination in this society in general and in the USDA and agricultural professions in particular. During my two years’ work with the Agency, I struggled against racism and discrimination in practice, instead of just paying empty lip service to civil rights, as rest of the Agency officials do routinely when necessary. I also identified numerous key issues and problems in my analyses. If sincere and rational attention had been paid to these, some substantive progress could have been made in the areas of civil rights and EEO. However, my efforts in this connection only elicited the most vicious venom in the Agency officials who had no hesitation whatsoever to inflict it on my life and career. It is unfortunate that some of the same officials are still running the show at the Agency while my career has been ruined for all practical purposes. I cannot imagine a higher degree of injustice and evil.
Another clause in the agreement states, “Dr. Rahman agrees not to disclose or otherwise publicize or promote the terms of this Compromise Settlement and Release to persons not a party to this agreement.” Inclusion of this clause in the agreement demonstrates that the Agency officials were well aware of its unjust and discriminatory nature and wanted to prevent the public and other interested parties from knowing about their such practices and actions. However, the public has the right to know, and the victims have the right to reveal, what kind of crimes are being committed and what monstrous injustices are being unleashed on the victims by officials of government who are supposed to reduce and prevent crimes and injustices. I am working on a book and some research papers, for publication, on the subjects of political economy, sociology, mass psychology, racism, discrimination, and various cultural aspects of the U.S. society in general and scientific and agricultural communities and institutions in particular. Inclusion of various specific details from my case files and the settlement agreement will be very useful to support and illustrate some of the main conclusions in this regard. USDA’s own above-mentioned internal report (Encl. 5) strongly criticized such policies of imposing silence and secrecy on the victims and advocated that details of such cases be widely publicized.
My being banned from even applying for the USDA/ARS positions forever, as described on the previous page, for my struggle for equal employment opportunity and against discrimination, abuses of power, and injustice, effectively blacklisted me in an official manner, right under the watchful eyes of the EEOC, by heinous exploitation of my psychological, professional-economic, and emotional exhaustion, systematically inflicted on me by the Agency officials over a long period of time. All the important facts were in front of the EEOC in my case files. As pointed out above, the EEOC was thoroughly knowledgeable of these facts and, obviously, that was part of the reason that it had ordered the Agency to complete all processing within specified limits of time. The EEOC’s Compliance Officer had explicitly stated to me on the telephone that he was aware of such tactics of exhaustion of victims by the Agency officials not only in my case but in general on systematic basis. And yet, the EEOC did nothing when the Agency not only failed to complete all the ordered processing not only within the specified limits of time but much beyond it and engaged in blatant non-compliance of specific orders and terms, and their contents, of the EEOC’s decision. How can one maintain any confidence or faith in EEOC under such circumstances, in view of such facts? To call one’s agreeing to such heinously exploitative and coercive agreement as I was forced to – under such deliberately created coercive and destructive circumstances, when one is forced to choose between eating and not eating, between minimally satisfying some of the most basic needs of life or being deprived altogether – as “voluntary”, is heinous and demonic in the extreme and is an insult to the most elementary human intelligence and language.
B. Experience with the Montana State University
My employment discrimination case against the Montana State University (MSU) was investigated by the Montana Human Rights Commission, on behalf of EEOC. I had a very strong case as the University had selected an incomparably less qualified White candidate for an administrative and research position and the White selection officials were found to have discussed the unsuitability of a minority candidate for the position, in relation to my application!!! At the time of my case against MSU, the courts had already found it guilty of discrimination against the minorities, in connection with some other cases, and it was under specific court orders for correction of its policies and practices in the area of EEO. The statistical data showed that around 95 percent of its positions were occupied by members of only one race i-e., Whites. The investigator of the Montana Human Rights Commission was one of the very rare exceptions in my experiences with the EEO-related officials in dozens of cases I filed against various institutions throughout the country. He seemed to be honest and genuinely cared about fairness, justice, and EEO. He told me that I was lucky my case was not being processed by the EEOC as the EEOC officials were extremely complacent with the status quo in such cases and the victims got nowhere with them. On the basis of a competent and honest investigation, his findings were in my favor. However, at that time I was being subjected to a whole variety of conspiracies, forms of discrimination, and career destruction by the USDA. My above-mentioned two years appointment with the USDA was at an end and although my project, of which I was the leader, was highly productive and successful, in spite of all the stresses inflicted on me by the Agency officials, it was not being renewed during my appointment. After my termination, the project was recontinued. The stresses produced by Agency’s actions had ruined my marriage and I was in the middle of divorce process. My professional-economic situation had been eroded and made insecure by the Agency’s demonic practices and actions. The MSU took racist advantage of my eroded financial situation and other problems and instead of offering fair and just relief measures, which would have restored wholesomeness and security to my life and career, exactly like the USDA, offered me the minimum possible monetary compensation which did not even equal one year’s wages involved in the position in question!!! I could not afford lengthy court cases and for reasons similar to those described in case of the USDA, I was forced to sign the unfair and unjust settlement agreement with the MSU in 1988, three years before I was forced to sign the above-mentioned entirely racist-discriminatory and unjust settlement agreement with the USDA. No job was offered by the MSU even though the position in question was a permanent position.
C. Experience with the Michigan State University
This case was originally handled by the Michigan EEOC. The case was much stronger than that against the Montana State University as my qualifications and experience were even more blatantly and racistly under-rated by the selection officials. There was evidence of the violations of university’s own regulations and requirements by the selection officials. The university tried to present misleading and muddying data on the racial composition of the staff of its department involved in the case. In spite of all the dishonest and muddying disinformation tactics, it was clear that more than 95 percent of the department positions were occupied by members of the White race. Almost all the rest of the 5 percent positions, occupied by minorities, were relatively lower level temporary position e.g., post doctoral appointments. The position involved research and administration responsibilities in soybean research. I had enormous internationally recognized experience in that area. The White candidate selected for the position was a novice who had just completed his post-doctoral training of a couple years while I had extensive research and development and administrative experience of around 15 years behind me, including some high level positions in Brazil and Zambia. The officials of Michigan Department of Civil Rights (MDCR) in Detroit decided to reopen the case. It was assigned to an investigator at the MDCR headquarters in Lansing after the EEOC’s thoroughly collaborative, complacent, and incompetent “no probable cause” determination against me. However, the investigator of the MDCR turned out to be even more incompetent, complacent, and collaborative than that of the EEOC, even making false and erroneous statements. I wrote a detailed analysis of this matter and a copy of that can be provided on request. This case contains some clear evidence of blatant racist-discriminatory collaboration between the officials of the Michigan State University, Michigan EEOC, and the MDCR in denying justice and equal opportunity to victims of racist discrimination. I was informed by several lawyers in Michigan, whom I contacted on the telephone, that the EEOC and MDCR are useless to the minorities and that they invariably issue “no probable cause” determinations in such cases. However, I could not afford to pursue my case in the courts. I was also informed by some attorneys that some cases of discrimination against the Michigan State Universities had recently been successful in courts there.
D. Experience with the South Dakota State University
This employment discrimination case was filed with the Denver office of the EEOC. It was assigned to the South Dakota Department of Civil Rights for processing. This was the worst experience I had among my dozens of cases. The so-called investigator failed to provide me with any details of his “investigation” and merely informed me that he was issuing a “no probable cause” determination. One of the reasons he gave me on the telephone was that he had determined that my English was not good enough as I had made a spelling mistake in my letter of application!!! Actually, there was such a spelling mistake which I had corrected with my pen. He wrongly assumed that it was corrected by the selection officials of the university. Even if such were the case, this is no basis for judging one’s language abilities. I happen to have working knowledge of seven different languages. As far as English is concerned, I have not only written and published scientific papers in refereed international scientific journals but also papers in philosophy, political economy, sociology, and mass psychology, requiring highly complex and sophisticated language skills and vocabulary. I am also writing some books on highly complex subjects involving various areas of biological and social sciences as well as philosophy. I wrote an analysis of this matter and submitted it to the director of EEOC office in Denver, Colorado. I was particularly offended by the mindless and ignorant attack on my language abilities by an obviously under-educated mono-lingual official of the Department of “Civil Rights” in South Dakota. I believe that such an attack was racist in-itself. I also enclosed copies of some of my published writings on highly complex interdisciplinary subjects, in which I had used extremely complex and difficult vocabulary and other language skills. Overwhelming majority of narrowly trained research and administrative personnel do not possess such skills. However, the EEOC paid no attention to the contents of my analysis and enclosures and it upheld the astoundingly mindless, complacent, and racist-discriminatory determination of the investigator of the South Dakota Department of Civil Rights, who had bragged about such an outcome when I informed him of my intentions of appealing against his discriminatory collaboration with the respondent. At the time of my filing of the case, 100 percent of the permanent teaching, research, and administrative positions in the Department of Plant Sciences of the university (against which the case was filed) were monopolized by members of the White race. The position involved in this case also involved work with soybeans, an area in which I had extensive international experience and accomplishments, for which I had received international recognition and awards. All this was well-documented. Besides in scientific journals, information about my accomplishments was published in many national level newspapers in Brazil (some of them in English). This material was made available to the university officials as part of my application process. I was not even given the opportunity for an interview and my application was most self-confidently brutalized by the selection committee members, all of them White, who are absolutely confident of getting away with any action whatsoever, no matter how irrational, unjust, or discriminatory, with impunity, under contemporary Orwellian realities of the whole EEO system in this country in general and South Dakota in particular.
The cases described above, numerous facts and details of which could not be included here due to consideration of space, represent only a very small fraction of many dozens of cases of employment discrimination that I filed with numerous regional offices of EEOC against similar or even worse practices of discrimination and injustice. The actions taken by the EEOC in all those cases were totally unjust, incompetent, mindless, discriminatory, and characterized by zombie-like collaboration with the violators of my civil, employment, and human rights. It became crystal clear that the EEOC officials were only going through the mechanical motions of “processing” the cases, with predetermined negative outcomes. The nature and level of mindlessness, mechanicalness, and consciencelessness manifested in the actions of EEOC’s officials in these cases would put any parrots or zombies to shame.
IV. Brief summary of my qualifications and experience
I have lived and worked in many countries in different parts of the world e.g. Lebanon, Brazil, Zambia, Pakistan, U.S. etc… During my M.S. program at the American University of Beirut in Lebanon, where there were students from seventy countries, I had the highest grade point average at the School of Agriculture i-e., 90.24 out of 100 = 4 = A in the graduate level of courses. I also had excellent academic performance during my Ph.D. program at the South Dakota State University. Research programs under my research and administrative leadership were highly successful and productive within a relatively short period of time. I was awarded an Honor of Merit Diploma by the Brazilian government for efficiency and productivity in the scientific research work on the Brazilian Amazon where I was Head of the Grain Legume Research Program for the whole vast Amazonian territory (Encl. 6). My discoveries were considered important enough by many national level newspapers, some of them published in English, to publish articles about them. Of course, papers were also published in the refereed scientific journals of international reputation and circulation. Dr. Warwick E. Kerr, an eminent Brazilian scientist and a past Vice-President of the International Genetics Association, who was Director of the Institute where I was working, in his evaluations had stated, “From the research point of view, I would rank Dr. Rahman among the ten better from one hundred and fifty researchers working in various areas of the life sciences at the institute” (Encl. 7). Scientists from many different parts of the world, including the U.S., Germany, Taiwan, U.K., Canada etc., were working at that institute at that time. My pioneering work in the soybean research and development played a major role in making it possible for the Brazilian Amazon to become a major producer of soybeans and soybean products. Brazil is the second biggest exporter of soybeans in the world after the U.S. Hence, my discoveries were of international importance. Soybeans are the most important food crop in the world. They have sustained the health and well-being of more than a billion people in China and Southeast Asia alone. During my above-mentioned two years work with the USDA/ARS, in spite of all the enormous stresses and sufferings inflicted on me, the project under my leadership accomplished enormous amounts of original scientific work with relatively very meager resources of $50,000 per year, including salaries, wages, travel, material costs, and all the other expenses. Even thought Brazil is considered to be a Third World Country, my salary was much higher there i-e., $42,000 per year, eight years earlier, than during my work with the USDA in the richest country of the world ($30,000 per year). I was also provided with free housing and medical care in Brazil while with the USDA in the U.S., I had to pay for these from my own pocket. I was forced to accept that type of injustice because of my systematic professional and financial destruction as a result of massive racism and discrimination with which the whole agricultural profession is thoroughly saturated in this country, a fact which is denied most vehemently and in clone-like fashion by their practitioners. Even my enemies in the USDA were forced to recognize the high level and quality of my accomplishments. All this is well documented in the records at the work location and the publication of results in a refereed international scientific journal (Incidence of viruses on alfalfa in Western North America. Plant Disease, Vol. 77, No.2, pp. 160-162, 1993). This research work involved a very large area of Western North America including the states of Washington, Oregon, California, and Idaho in the U.S. and British Columbia in Canada. The accomplishment of such enormous amounts of scientific work within such a short period of time with such limited resources is extremely rare indeed and was made possible by my regularly laboring 12 to 14 hours daily, frequently including the weekends. And yet, instead of being rewarded for such hard work and accomplishments, the USDA/ARS chose to ban me forever from even applying for its positions, in the above-mentioned settlement agreement, because of my struggles against discrimination, racism, conspiracies, and injustice and for my own as well as other minorities’ civil rights in the Agency. Yet, these are the people who never tire of hypocritically blabbering about the virtues and rewards of hard work and merit. My hard work, accomplishments, and merit were most brutally punished with the destruction of my career!!! A higher degree of intoxicated and unprofessional unfairness, injustice, racist-discriminatory attitudes, behavior, and actions is hardly imaginable. I received a very large number of requests for the reprints of my above-mentioned publication from scientists from all over the world, which indicated that my work was found relevant and valuable by a great number of scientists throughout the world. By effectively banning me from even applying for its positions in the settlement agreement, the Agency practiced the ultimate form of discrimination. Such practices are totally incompatible with even the minimum requirements of any democratic and just society. It is entirely incomprehensible how these can be allowed in this society which claims to be the model of democracy and justice for the whole world. This is a glaring example of how the true merit of minorities is most brutally trampled upon by the phony meritocratic raceocracy.
Besides the above-mentioned positions, I was also the Head of National Tree Improvement Research Center in Zambia, responsible for research in various disciplines all over the country. In that capacity, I had both research and administrative duties involving national and international aspects of various projects and programs. I worked in some other positions too in some other countries all the details of which are included in my full curriculum vitae.
As mentioned in the beginning of this writing, I have developed extensive background in many areas of social sciences as well, in addition to that in the agricultural and biological sciences. I have also published papers in the international scientific journals some of which synthesize knowledge and information in these diverse areas and propose original and new theories on the interactions between science and technology, culture, social systems, and bio-social regulation of human nature. I have also developed a great deal of knowledge and experience in the intercultural, inter-racial, and international relations and have working knowledge of seven different languages, with variable degree of proficiency. In my various leadership and administrative positions, I supervised the activities of large numbers of scientists and other personnel. I am intimately familiar with various specifics of selection and promotion processes. When I talk or write about these matters, I know exactly what I am talking or writing about. During all my diverse career in various countries, I have personally never witnessed such self-confident, self-righteous, and massive levels of racist-discriminatory corruption, dishonesty, inhumanity, and injustice that I have among the personnel of the agricultural research and development and educational institutions of the U.S. Their narrow-mindedness is also unmatched by any other section of this or any other society. When I expressed my ecological concerns in some of my seminars involving my experiences of the agricultural production systems in the Brazilian rain forests, some of these supposedly highly educated scientists attacked me for promoting ideas which conflicted with their productivity paradigm. This is precisely the attitude, and its application in practice, which is threatening the very survival of all the forests and ecological systems of the world and has already wrecked havoc with the environment everywhere. They have a very backward, irrational, and perverted value system in these matters. To be totally absorbed in one’s narrow area of specialization, unconcerned about the social, ecological, and other consequences of one’s own work or such matters in general, is a virtue to them and proof of one’s merit while any deviations from this virtue are, of course, proof of vice and lack of merit. A person like myself, who is not only concerned and knowledgeable about social and ecological consequences of scientific and production activities but is also concerned with and knowledgeable in such unthinkable areas like philosophy, sociology, mass psychology, political economy, inter-racial and intercultural relations, interactions between science and technology and human nature etc., is like an alien from another planet to them, totally incomprehensible and unthinkable. These mutilated, distorted, and narrowly fragmented perversions of humanity imagine themselves to be the epitome of development and civilization and pass extremely hostile and venomous negative judgments on people like myself who are their opposites in these respects. No words can sufficiently express one’s revulsion at such arrogant ignorance and perversion. Yet, this is not only the dominant but the only reality in the agricultural scientific establishment of this society. Enclosure 8 is copy of a reference letter by Dr. John Kraft, the USDA/ARS Research Leader at the location of my two years employment with the Agency, in which, besides other things, he mentions my extreme sensitivity to evils in the U.S. society and in the world and that this may have some adverse effects on my work and performance! This line of thinking is prevalent among the various personnel of the agricultural scientific establishment. To their twisted way of thinking, it is a vice to be concerned about evils, especially if those evils include racism, discrimination, and injustices towards the minorities. One may pay occasional lip service in this connection but must never get involved seriously or sincerely. To begin with, my research project was the most productive at that location, in spite of all the monstrosities which were being inflicted on me. Dr. Kraft was fully aware of that. What made him uncomfortable was the fact that my knowledge and consciousness went far beyond the boundaries of alfalfa viruses, even far beyond the agricultural sciences. The outer boundaries of his imagination were stretched to their limits and broken apart when he learned that my knowledge, consciousness, and concerns even went beyond the areas of natural sciences as a whole. As is well documented in my case files, he then conspired to terminate my career with the Agency, creating all kinds of obstacles in the way of renewal of my project during my appointment with the Agency, writing clumsy, erroneous, and malicious letters about me to the higher level Agency officials, in total secrecy from me, stabbing me in the back, while, at the same time pretending and assuring me that he was trying his best with the higher level Agency officials to renew my project! He once had, all of a sudden, without any reason, started yelling, “I am a Christian! I am a Christian!”, during a conversation with me. He knew that I came from Islamic background. Obviously, his version of “Christianity” consisted of abolition of all resistance and sensitivity to evil as well as backstabbing and hypocrisy. Of course, the great religion of real Christianity, as well as Islam and all the other major religions are totally the opposite of his version. They not only teach sensitivity to the evil but require their adherents to resist and struggle against evil, in all its various forms, including the forms of injustice, discrimination, racism, hypocrisy, backstabbing, and all the other forms of evil and filth, with all their energy, with all their being. The higher level Agency officials had kept his malicious, erroneous, and discriminatory letters secret from me, without giving me any opportunity to defend myself against their contents. They obviously used them against the renewal of my project during my appointment and against my various applications for many other permanent Agency positions for which I was highly qualified. That malicious correspondence only came to light during the course of investigation of my cases of discrimination, after my departure from the Agency, at which time my project, which I had laboriously and painstakingly developed from the scratch, was also restarted, after eliminating me effectively through various maneuvers.
V. On merit and meritocracy
Nothing is paraded more in the agricultural and other scientific establishments, in defense and justification of the status quo, than “merit”. Almost everyone connected to these establishments declares nothing less than absolute adherence to merit in all the decision making processes. And yet, very few venture to offer any understanding or definition of what merit is or what it consists of, when asked. It is generally, vaguely, and crudely assumed that merit means qualifications, experience, abilities etc… One only encounters blank stares and utter incomprehension if one introduces the subjects of deeper structures, components, nature, and meanings of the exceedingly complex concept of merit, which plays such a powerful and all important role in all the decision-making processes, including the selections and promotions. Although everyone claims to practice merit, almost no one knows what it really is or the real nature of what they are actually practicing.
Real holistic merit consists, and is the product of many identifiable and cognizable components and factors e.g., historical, genetic, psychological, spiritual, intellectual, emotional, environmental (which include social, cultural, educational, politico-economic, financial, family and other components) etc… Obviously, it is not practical to consider or measure some of these components and factors in each and every individual case. However, when there are transparent and colossal historical, social, financial, politico-economic, and other structural and systematic environmental inequalities and injustices, as in the case of racial minorities in the U.S., it is not only possible but essential to identify and analyze as many of these factors and components as possible in regards to the developmental dynamics of merit in different racial populations and groups. The results of such studies must then be incorporated in various processes of determining the relative merits of individuals belonging to various groups, if the system has any claims to rationality and justice. Moreover, it is also essential to include some of the above-listed components and factors, that can be relatively easily identified and cognized, in the processes and mechanisms of determination of relative merits of individuals from diverse groups. Scientifically, it is quite possible to use quantifiable statistical adjustments for these purposes. However, so far, the politics of class and race power, in which the White race has an extreme degree of monopoly over jobs resources, and power, has made it impossible to even propose such rational and just measures, much less to implement them. On the contrary, whatever little progress was made through the relatively feeble and inadequate programs of Affirmative Action, is being wiped out now by the reactionary forces, which have been able to enhance their politico-economic powers enormously at this particular stage of history.
What is actually being practiced in the agricultural and other scientific establishments is the diametric opposite of the above-mentioned rational and just measures. In no other area of this society, the merit has been so mutilated, fragmented, and self-servingly perverted as in the agricultural and other scientific establishments. In these establishments, merit has been almost totally expunged of all its major components except that of the abstract technocratic one. This constitutes one of the worst and most far reaching reductionism, mutilation, and technocratization of human nature, consciousness, and conscience themselves. Moreover even the criteria of this abstract mutilated technocratic merit are applied differentially and dishonestly by overwhelming majority of the White technocrats, who monopolize almost all the important decision-making positions in these establishments, in favor of their own race and against those belonging to others. They also effectively block any proposals for studies or remedies that might bring about some real changes in the status quo. They are now totally addicted to the efficacy of paying only empty lip service to the civil rights and equal opportunity or, at the most, to the lukewarm support of cosmetic measures which do not disturb the existing status quo in any significant manner. It is a highly rigged system of injustice, racism, discrimination, and conscienceless obstruction and destruction of the development potentials of minorities’ merit. Under such conditions, it is no wonder that prolonged historical application and development of abstract fragmented technocratic “merit” has led to the development of deeply entrenched meritocratic raceocracies in the agricultural and other scientific establishments. This was the only logical outcome of these processes and the results could not have been any different under such conditions.
In my own case, my qualifications, experience, merit, and career were most diabolically assaulted and ruined over a prolonged period of time in a totally unthinking, unfeeling, irrational, and clone-like manner by the incredibly derationalized and unconscientious professionals of the agricultural scientific establishment. They are, undoubtedly, the most narrow-minded; spiritually, intellectually, culturally, politico-economically, and socially the most ignorant; and self-righteous people I have encountered during my professional life in numerous countries. Instead of counter-acting such demonic systematic erosion of my merit, as I was being subjected to, these ultimate demons of injustice, irrationality, corruption, ignorance, and narrow-mindedness acted additively and cumulatively to cause further erosion of my merit and career over time, totally refusing to examine the situation factually and rationally. Any information in this connection, which I provided, was used against my career and for further erosion and destruction of my merit!!! Verily, one can hardly imagine anymore unjust, unthinking, unfeeling, unethical, dehumanized, and unprofessional creatures than the ones who engage in such demonic practices. Yet, it is standard practice in the agricultural scientific establishment, engaged in routinely and mechanically, in the name of merit and professionalism!!! Exceptions to this are very few indeed and far between, almost impossible to encounter in one lifetime.
Besides various other forms of discrimination, prevalent in the agricultural and other scientific establishments, one of the most sinister and barbaric forms consists of particularly vicious and venomous discrimination against and destruction of careers of minorities who possess highly developed holistic intellects, spirits, knowledge, and intelligence. The severely mutilated and fragmented mass psychology of members of these establishments have become totally incapable of understanding or appreciating such higher levels of human development and act towards them with extreme arrogant ignorance and venomous hostility. Such mass psychology and actions are the logical outcome of one-sided, narrow development of technocratic parts, and mutilation, suppression, deformation, and atrophy of holistic rational, spiritual, emotional, intellectual, and other parts of human nature in these establishments. Unless one is a mutilated and fragmented caricature in these most essential parts of human nature, one cannot function or survive in these establishments. To be sure, a few highly visible celebrity dissidents are allowed to survive and function by a few prestigious institutions like the Harvard University or MIT, where they have almost no influence as they are swept under by the tides of establishment conformists. In any case, out of millions of members of these establishments, such dissidents can be counted on the fingers of one’s hands. What one is confronted with here is the total domination of abstract fragmented technocratic consciousness and “conscience” over authentic holistic human consciousness and conscience. As far as the existence of conscience is concerned, it is not so much a matter of total absence of conscience as it is of its technocratic abstraction, fragmentation, and mutilation, which, for all practical and theoretical purposes, systematically and selectively, exiles and expunges all holistically rational, spiritual, intellectual, emotional, philosophical, and socio-economico-political components of consciousness and conscience from them, perverting and deforming them into their mutilated technocratic form, the form in which these become highly serviceable to the dominant interests of money and power in their insatiable quest for more of these. However, that is not all that happens in reality. Only the rational and holistic forms of these components of human nature get exiled and expunged in practice. Socio-culturally highly conditioned, irrational, ignorant, and passively internalized forms of these components, both on the reflective and unreflective levels, continue to play powerful roles in regulating the formally fragmented and mutilated technocratic consciousness and “conscience”. On the surface, the formalistic mutilated technocratic conscience claims to operate exclusively on the basis of technocratic and meritocratic criteria, disguised as “pure merit”. This would be bad enough in itself. But on somewhat deeper scrutiny, the actual situation reveals itself to be much worse as this claim is totally pretentious and false. In reality, the formalistic mutilated technocratic “conscience” operates under the powerful socio-culturally conditioned irrational, ignorant, and passively internalized classist, racist, and elitist forces in the thinking and emotional processes of the mass mental apparatus of the technocrats. Real exceptions are very rare in this regard. Much of the highly exaggerated individual “variation” is of the tweedledum and tweedledee type. In its essence, the formalistic mutilated technocratic “conscience” is not a conscience at all. It is the opposite of all authentic human conscience and is, in fact, demonic as it exiles and expunges all holistic rational and spiritual components, as mentioned above, from conscience, in the name of “merit”. In practice, even the abstract technocratic criteria of merit are, most subjectively and hypocritically, violated, in the extreme degree, by the classist, racist, and elitist technocracy in its real and/or perceived self-interests and for the constant reproduction of the status quo, as much as possible under the prevailing political and other conditions. All the profound facts and realities of these matters are totally drowned out under the ocean of shallow and mechanicalized forms of language and behavior – paraded as being “objective” and “scientific” – which do not even allow the inclusion of the excluded components into the prevalent discourse.
The consequences of all this for human nature have been disastrous and catastrophic while one-sided technological and industrial development itself has led to contradictory results, creating short term gains at the expense of long term losses, stimulating unprecedented levels and types of production and consumption which have generated colossal pollution and destruction of environment, creating enormous inequalities of wealth and power within as well as between different nations, producing all types of monstrous high tech weapons of mass destruction, which, if used, threaten the end of life on earth. Scientific establishments of the U.S. have played the major role in the creation and implementation of these processes which are now being globalized with great speed and efficiency. Not only the scientific establishments but rest of the populations as well are being engulfed by these processes on international levels. The practical record of the scientific establishments has been very sinister in these matters. For example, overwhelming majority of them have collaborated criminally and shamelessly with the interests of money and power in polluting and damaging the environment and public human health on massive levels e.g. with the tobacco, pesticide and other synthetic chemicals, and aspartame producing industries. This is no place to go into the extremely sinister details and consequences of such activities, in which overwhelming majority of the scientific community was either active participant or complacent in one way or another. Only a very small minority of scientists investigated the diverse hazards that were being produced. For example, Burlington and Lindeman had already shown the hormone and sexual development disrupting effects of the DDT in 1950. But their study was ignored for decades and only recently has been rediscovered when colossal damage has already been inflicted on various animal species as well as humans by innumerable synthetic chemicals that have spread to the remotest corners of the planet, in constantly concentrated forms, through the food chain (Effect of DDT on testes and secondary characteristics of White Leghorne Cockerels. Proceedings of the Society for Experimental Biology and Medicine, 74:48-51, 1950). The higher up a species is on the food chain, the more contaminated it gets. Humans being at the top, consuming almost all the other forms of life, are also turning out to be the most contaminated with these persistent chemicals which are stored in their body fats and transmitted to the next generation through breast feeding by the mothers. These chemicals are wrecking havoc with the babies in the wombs before birth and through breast feeding after birth. All types of developmental disorders are coming to light both in various animal species and in humans. Until recently, various research study results remained scattered without being synthesized and integrated. It was only in 1996 that Theo Colborn, Dianne Dumanoski, and John Peterson Myers attempted such a synthesis in their excellent work, Our Stolen Future. Even though still being downplayed by much of the scientific community and the news media, synthetic chemicals have become one of the most serious threats to the human as well as animal species. Many of them, acting like hormones in extremely minute quantities, are disrupting normal developmental processes and reproductive systems and attacking immune systems and the brain and nervous systems. According to overwhelming evidence, they are eroding human potentials in various forms and may even cause extinction in the long run through disabling humans and other animals from reproduction. The sperm counts in humans have already dropped by about fifty percent during the last fifty years and the synthetic chemicals are believed to have played a major role in that. Numerous other reproductive system disorders; caused by the hormone-mimicking, hormone-disruptive synthetic chemicals; have also been documented. A major part of these damages have been associated with the agricultural pesticides, which were, and still being are, pushed by the agricultural scientific establishment with missionary zeal all over the world, under the guise of “development”, in the service of pesticide industry which has reaped hundreds of billions of dollars in profits. Dissent from such diabolical practices has been almost non-existent within the agricultural scientific establishment. This in itself tells a lot about the nature of mass psychology and culture in the agricultural scientific establishment. Rachel Carson, in her Silent Spring, published in 1962, had attempted a synthesis of knowledge and information about the hazards of synthetic chemicals. However, she had almost exclusively focused on their role in cancer and other gross effects. The broad and in-depth analysis of the profound and disruptive role of the synthetic chemicals in the delicate natural balances of hormones, on the national and international levels, only came to light with the publication of Our Stolen Future. According to the information presented in that work, already all humans, and perhaps most animals as well, are carrying heavy loads of synthetic chemicals in their bodies. As sinister as it is, this is just the tip of the iceberg. Within the current politico-economic, mass psychological, and cultural frameworks, the hidden great masses of the icebergs will continue multiplying, mostly hidden from the overwhelming majority of the public at large, until they start melting and drowning humans and many other forms of life into extinction. And then it will be too late for any action to be effective. Even though it is one of the greatest threats mankind and animals have ever faced, the money and power intoxicated ruling elites, and the great hordes under their spell, have become incapable of taking any effective action to reduce it, much less stop it. They continue to do business, and further fatten their already over bloated coffers, as usual. This “quality” of life is also being globalized with total self-righteousness and great fanfare. Similarly, in relation to the electromagnetic fields (EMFs), emitted by electric power lines, transformers, and other equipment, Paul Brodeur has documented astounding types and levels of collaboration between the officials of the utility companies, state and federal “public health” agencies, much of the scientific establishment, and the officialdom in general, in covering up and distortion and perversion of the ever-mounting and rationally irrefutable evidence that the EMF, emitted by numerous powerful and even not so powerful sources, has been, and is, extremely hazardous to public health, causing many types of cancers, some of them very rare like the brain cancer and male breast cancer, as well as a host of other serious health problems. Besides others, great numbers of elementary and secondary school children, teachers, and other employees are exposed to powerful EMF in schools built close to the high current and high voltage electric power lines. Innumerable cases of various types of cancers and other serious health problems have been reported from many such schools all around the country and the relations between the proximity to the power lines, resulting in exposures to stronger EMF, and incidence of cancer and other illnesses could not be any clearer. And yet, through the selective manipulations of statistical and other scientific techniques and concepts, overwhelming majority of the establishment scientists and other officials have assaulted all that evidence in clone-like fashion, designing their studies in such a way so as to arrive at predetermined results, the main one being the breakage of the cause and effect relationship between the EMF and the cancer and other illnesses. It is not only quite possible but is increasingly becoming a common practice to design studies and experiments and to apply selected scientific techniques and concepts in such a way that would guarantee the production of predetermined results. The bottom-line here, as in the case of synthetic chemicals, is the gigantic power of money concentrated in these industries and the potential colossal losses to them involved in the solutions of these humongous problems. According to the data of chemical industry, 45 % of the world’s GNP consists of production and sales of synthetic chemicals and their products. Electric power, equipment, appliances, computers, machines etc. have also spread throughout the world, a great proportion of them being situated or used in hazardous ways. Given the extreme enormity of these problems, it is hardly surprising that these industries are sparing no effort or expense to deny their existence and that various government agencies are collaborating with them in clone-like manner. However, mankind, and, in case of synthetic chemicals, animalkind too, will pay a great price for being subjected to such massive assaults on their health and well being. Sections of the scientific establishment have also played the crucial role in production of all types of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear, biological, chemical etc. etc. and their long range delivery systems which make every little corner of the planet vulnerable and hostage to them. At present, all the major life supporting systems of the planet are under extreme stresses and some are breaking apart e.g. the crucial ozone layer without which the life could not have evolved or survived on Earth. This has been an unmatchable accomplishment of the scientific establishments. They have done it in an incredibly short period of historical time in collaboration with and subservience to the interests of money and power. Reductionism, mutilation, and fragmentation of human nature, as discussed above, have played the major role in these matters. Severe damages have been inflicted both on the external ecology of material nature and the internal ecology of human nature. While there is a great deal of information about the former, there is almost total ignorance about the damages being done to the internal ecology of human nature, even though their symptoms are every where, in great variety of forms. Some of my investigations have been pioneering in this connection. These have been totally ignored and suppressed by the scientific establishment and my career and life are being ruined for daring to initiate research into these new areas which the scientific establishment is determined to keep suppressed at all costs. The problems are not created by the science and technology as such which have always been important parts of human nature and activities. The colossal problems, being discussed here, are created by the totally one-sided, anti-ecological, anti-human nature, and unbalanced theory and practice of science and technology by the scientific establishment in modern times in the service of the interests of money and power. Of course, there are numerous exceptions and variations to this. But this is the overwhelmingly dominant mode of science and technology at present which has been developing towards this form during the last few centuries in the western civilization in general and that of the U.S. in particular.
The fundamental contradiction of contemporary U.S. society is that, on the one hand, it is characterized by highly developed scientific and technological abilities, industries, and analytical and calculative modes of thinking – containing their own secondary contradictions, some of which have been discussed above, briefly – while, on the other, there is extreme maldevelopment, impoverishment, and atrophy of some of the most important parts of human nature e.g., holistic rationality; spiritual, emotional, and intellectual faculties; synthetic and dialectical modes of thinking etc.. As far as the life of human spirit is concerned, the greatest damage appears to have been inflicted upon its component of sense of justice, which is the very core of human spirit. Needless to say that there are always exceptions to all generalizations and these generalizations are no exception in this regard. Such generalizations attempt to describe some of the main and dominant features of complex given realities. The above fundamental contradiction manifests itself in all areas of social, politico-economic, cultural, and interpersonal life of society, on national as well as international levels. The question of origins of this contradiction is beyond the scope of this writing. However, it needs to be mentioned here that the cult of narrow specialization in science and technology (CNSST), which dominates all modern science and technology to an extreme degree, has played a major role in its generation and development. Overwhelming majority of modern scientists and technicians know a lot about tiny little areas of reality, in form of disconnection from the overall reality or even its other tiny little areas. They not only miss the entire forest for the trees but most of the trees as well in their money-regulated focus on particular kinds of trees and, verily, some particular parts of these trees. Hence, a very special kind of schizoid and ignorant creature has sprung up on the center stage of world history, which knows a lot about tiny little areas of reality and almost nothing about the rest of the reality and yet pretends to be and acts as if he is all knowledgeable. That is why the great philosopher Ortega y Gasset had defined modern scientists as “learned ignoramuses”. Like in other areas of this society, money dominates and regulates everything in the scientific establishment, including human mass psychology and behavior and their operations in various areas of science and technology as well as in the social structures and relations of science, including those involving inter-racial matters and relations. Money essentially plays the same role in all these affairs as the force of gravity does in the relations and motions of celestial bodies. As is the case with the organization of various celestial bodies in space, various classist, racist, and other groupings organize and revolve around the central force of gravity in human affairs i-e., money. Classism, racism, discrimination, and various injustices associated with them, originate and are sustained by the structural hierarchies and relations that are formed within the context of this situation. The hierarchies and groups, formed historically in the U.S. on the basis of class and race, monopolize all the dominant as well as most other positions in the constellations around money. They constitute the forces and structures which regulate the distribution of power, resources, and jobs within that context. Rationally, it is absolutely predictable that these dominant hierarchies and groups will strive their best to reproduce themselves and the status quo, in so far as possible under the prevailing politico-economic conditions and to make only minor and cosmetic changes when forced to do so by forces generated by elements thrown into the margins of these constellations. This is precisely what has been happening in the money-regulated constellations of the scientific establishment in the U.S. But in the Fantasyland of the unimaginably hypocritical, phony, and bad faith-infected meritocratic guardians of these classist and racist hierarchies of constellations, everyone is floating around in some imaginary classless, raceless, and moneyless space, in which everything is determined by merit and nothing else. It is ironic in the extreme that the “scientific” establishment operates totally under the spell of this grand illusion. There is no doubt that overwhelming majority of the scientific community firmly believe in this fairy tale. It would indeed be quite funny were it not for the fact that it is, objectively, being used to cover up the reality of the colossal and monstrous damages inflicted upon minority and other victims, systematically and meritocratically, by these most conceited of all creatures which have sprung up to claim the exclusive right to determine the nature and direction of human civilization for all future.
Dissident scientists, like myself, who insist upon the importance of and commitment to knowledge involving philosophy; political economy; sociology; intercultural, interracial, and international relations; ethics etc. and who refuse to allow the mutilation and fragmentation of their human nature, spirit, and intellect, are persecuted by the learned ignoramuses of the scientific establishment and its CNSST with a vengeance which is little different from that of their counterparts during the dark ages of inquisition. Only the forms of persecution are different. Their essence, viciousness, and venom are the same. They do this in the name and under the cover of “science” and “merit”. However, this is part of the grand illusion under which they operate. In fact, scientific progress would have been much higher and much less contradictory and ambiguous in its effects on society, nature, and human nature had such dissidents been allowed to participate in determining the nature and course of things in scientific and technological developmental processes. The colossal problems which have been created by the application of CNSST model are precisely the result of exclusion, suppression, and persecution of such dissidence by the scientific establishment. The nature, society, and human nature would have been a lot healthier had such dissidence been incorporated into rather than exiled from the scientific enterprise. The air, water, and food would have been a lot cleaner and healthier and much less polluted and poisoned than they have become under the money dominated collaborative operations of the scientific establishment and the corporate world. There would have been much less soil erosion and forest and other environmental destruction as maintenance of environmental and ecological health and balance is at least as much a matter of spiritual, intellectual, ethical-moral, and holistic integrity as it is of technical and scientific information and research. It is precisely because of the perversion, manipulation, atrophy, and exile of the former from the scientific-corporate-industrial complex – as a result of definite policies, actions, and practices in pursuit of short-sighted and greed- motivated objectives – that both the external ecology of material nature and internal ecology of human nature have suffered such devastating damages. Enormous accumulative effects of the ecologically damaging applications of discoveries and forces, unleashed and implemented by the abstract-mutilated-money-dominated-technocratic consciousnesses and “consciences” of the scientific-corporate-industrial complex, have wrecked havoc with the ecological health of material nature and of human nature on this planet. There is great deal of information on the symptoms and secondary causes of ecological destruction in relation to the material environment. There is no information available in regards to the damages being inflicted on the internal ecology of human nature or about the fundamental causes of damages to both material nature and human nature. Some of the most important aspects of these matters have been discussed in this section of the writing, briefly. More detailed discussion of these exceedingly complex matters is not possible due to limitations of space.
In general, while technical intelligence of establishment scientists tends to be sharp, even very sharp in some cases, the level of their spiritual-emotional and holistically rational intelligence is very low, even approaching that of retardation in many cases. Moreover, these effects have also spilled over into the general population, with variable degrees of intensity in different sections, due to their inevitable diffusion into various cultural, mass psychological, and politico-economic processes, as a result of great power and prestige of science and technology, industry, and their products. In addition, these are also rapidly being internationalized as the same or similar scientifico-technological, cultural, and mass psychological patterns are being imposed all over the planet.
The reduction of real holistic merit to abstract fragmented merit, from which some of the most essential and important components have been systematically, arbitrarily, and unscientifically expunged, in blatant violation of elementary logical and factual reality and of human nature, introduces fundamental distortions, falsehoods, injustices, and biases in the whole system which are constantly and automatically reproduced without being detected or acknowledged. The practitioners of such solipsistic abstract fragmented meritocracy are often totally dishonest, subjective, corrupt, unjust, and discriminatory towards the minorities, even in the application of the criteria and components of such expunged abstract fragmented merit, in the evaluation processes of selection and promotion of personnel. Abstract fragmented merit has been the single most powerful tool, among various others, in the hands of meritocratic raceocracy of the scientific establishment, for the preservation, maintenance, and reproduction of the status quo in its closest possible approximation. The entirely self-serving and colossal con game being played by the fragmented classist and racist “elites” of the scientific establishment in general and of the agricultural scientific establishment in particular – all wearing the illusion-generating masks of “merit” – is neither unique nor restricted to these establishments. On the contrary, they are operating within the general structural framework of horrendously unjust and unequal classist and racist distribution of resources of power, wealth, and jobs in this society. They have, however, taken advantage of the entirely undeserved prestige and deference shown to them by the political, EEO, judicial, and other institutions of society as well as by the society at large and have gotten away with more crookery, dishonesty, bad faith, hypocrisy, evil, and crime in the areas of civil rights and EEO than almost all the other professions and institutions. As discussed above, the appearances of their “higher education” and “superior knowledge” are highly misleading and erroneous. Their education, knowledge, consciousness, and conscience are extremely fragmented, mutilated, and partial. From the perspectives of holistic education and knowledge, they are extremely uneducated and ignorant. They are only knowledgeable and informed in their tiny little areas of specialization, mostly because they are paid money for it, rather than as a result of inner strivings of human soul and intellect for truth, knowledge, goodness, justice, beauty, grace, and the sacred. In the demonic meritocratic world of the scientific establishment, these strivings have been expunged of everything except abstract fragmented technocratic information and knowledge of extremely tiny little areas of reality, in the service of interests of money and power. Such explicit and implicit practices and demands have already caused great damages to human soul and intellect. These amount to abolition of holistic human soul and intellect.
VI. Phony “Diversity”
Even the extremely small racial diversity, which exists in the scientific establishment, is highly misleading and superficial, as the forces and components of abstract fragmented technocratic meritocracy and other explicit and implicit pressures exercise powerful effects to produce a high degree of uniformity and conformity in its members, regardless of color or gender. The whole higher educational and professional system is geared towards production of higher and higher levels of uniformity and conformity with time in this regard so that, in practice, these have become unquestioned and unquestionable virtues, while deviation from these in any real and significant form, beyond that of tweedledum and tweedledee, e.g., intellectual, spiritual-emotional, politico-economic, scientific, philosophical, ecological etc. etc., are judged as vices. It is almost impossible for dissidents in this connection to enter, survive, or flourish in such environment of the scientific establishment. Even though minority and women members of the scientific establishment have different physical appearances than the White males, who overwhelmingly dominate the establishment, their inner beings, substance, consciousness and its contents, conscience, policies, actions, and modes of thinking, feeling and behavior, are all powerfully influenced and conditioned by the same fragmenting and mutilating meritocratic-technocratic forces and institutions, producing cross-race, cross-class, and cross-gender uniformity in the above-mentioned components of human nature, underneath the superficial physical diversity of color and gender. In its essence, even the very small diversity that exists in the scientific establishment is, by and large, a phony and superficial diversity, a diversity in appearance only and not in essence which is astoundingly uniform. To be able to survive, function, and flourish in the scientific establishment, it has literally come down to the matter of selling and crucifying one’s soul. It is not inherent in science to produce such effects inevitably. It is the specific culture, mass psychology, and value system of scientists – themselves conditioned by powerful forces of a definite political economy and its masters- which have produced the particular type of meritocratic-technocratic system and its effects, discussed above. In other words, these are products of the subjective culture of the scientific establishment, a subjective culture which is objectively and powerfully formed and regulated by a definite political economy. Under different subjective cultures and sociologies of science, there would have been entirely different consequences for the external ecology of material nature, internal ecology of human nature, and real diversity of the workforce.
VII. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and other EEO-related agencies
I have already discussed many important facts in relation to the EEOC and other EEO-related agencies on pages 7 through 24 of this writing. In view of the importance of these organizations in the EEO and civil rights situation in this country, it is desirable to go a little deeper into their nature and function.
To begin with, a distinction must be made between the formal appearances and the real essence in this regard. On the formal level, “Equal Employment Opportunity Commission” and “Civil Rights”, “Human Rights, and other such grandiose names of various EEO-related agencies inspire reverence, confidence, and admiration for a society which has created and established such institutions to ensure justice and fairness for all its citizens. This is also the formally explicit and implicit claim and purpose, the raison d’etre, for the existence of these agencies, which also claim to be “independent”, on the formal level. However, as in almost every other area of this society, which is thoroughly saturated with gigantic contradictions of all types, there is a universe of difference between the formality and reality in this connection. It is not possible to go into a really detailed analysis of this complex matter here in this writing. In addition to material on pages 7-24, the following brief summary of generalizations would have to suffice here:
In a class- and race-divided society, like that of the U.S., all claims of institutional class- and race-neutrality and independence are either the result of extreme politico-economic naiveté and brain-washing or conscious hypocritical and cynical propaganda. In either case, the result is the construction of elaborate formal fantasies to cover up the realities of extreme inequalities and injustices of class and race power and wealth. The EEOC and other EEO-related agencies are integral parts of the whole array of institutional networks of the politico-economic structure and system of this society, in which they perform definite explicit and implicit institutional functions and services to the system as a whole. Like every other institution, their “independence” and “neutrality” are relative and contradictory at best, depending upon the type and strength of the cases, amount of public and news media exposure and pressure, and the social, economic, and political status of the parties involves, among other factors. They perform a dual and extremely contradictory and difficult social function. On the one hand, they provide invaluable services and an aura of legitimacy to an extremely unjust and unequal system of class and race privileges and power, while, on the other, they must maintain a certain level of credibility in the public eye by making decisions and taking actions in part of the cases before them which appear to be relatively consistent with their formal claims and purposes. As shown on page 15 and 16, the number and proportion of such decisions and actions have been falling drastically since 1980. Overwhelming majority of their decisions and actions are in the service of their former function while a very small proportion serves the latter, resulting in minimal relief to a tiny proportion of the victims of classist and racist injustice and discrimination who file their cases with these agencies. It needs to be mentioned that a great majority of cases of discrimination and injustice are never filed in any manner by the victims, given the realities of class and race power of this society.
The EEOC and other EEO-related agencies are dependent for their continued funding and existence on congressional and governmental policies and actions. The government and congress themselves are, not only controlled by, but, by and large, composed of members of the corporate and other wealthy classes. It is in such a general politico-economic environment that various forms of cross-institutional classist, racist, and elitist mass psychology, behavior, thinking, feeling, policies, and actions have evolved and gotten firmly established as norms, the reality of which is not recognized for what it is, but, on the contrary, most vehemently denied by their practitioners, on the rare occasions when someone gathers enough clarity and courage to bring it to their attention. Some of the practitioners of these “norms” are aware of their real nature and meaning while others are not. The objective results are the same in both cases i-e., reproduction of the system of extreme classist and racist inequalities and injustices in closest possible approximations to the status quo, under the prevailing politico-economic environment. The violators of minorities’ employment, civil, and other rights in various private, governmental, and other institutions know fully well that, in most cases, they can count on the collaboration of the officials of various EEO-related agencies, who would slaughter justice, truth, evidence, logic, facts, minorities’ rights, and equal opportunity as ruthlessly, mindlessly, and demonically as themselves, in order to let them get away with impunity and to serve their aforementioned institutional function of services to the system of class and race privileges and domination. Only when there is significant publicity and public pressure by some established civil rights groups or the violators are too blatant, crude, vulgar, and stupid in their verbal behavior, there is any chance of obtaining anything even remotely resembling justice. Even in those relatively very few cases, the losses to the violators are minimized and the victims are allowed only a small fraction of their due. In overwhelming majority of the cases, violators are allowed to most irrationally rationalize even the most obviously unfair and discriminatory practices and actions by managers of the EEO case processing system, as long as they remain verbally cautious and correct. Hence, the most hideous forms of hypocrisy and dishonesty have evolved in various institutions in which demonic discriminatory damages are self-righteously and self-confidently inflicted on the minorities in practice and actions while scrupulously maintaining the appearances of verbal correctness. The violators are now hiding behind nothing but the transparent facade of verbal correctness, which, nevertheless, is transformed into a black hole, which makes everything in it invisible, by nothing but their overwhelming numbers as well as those of their more than willing collaborators in the EEO case processing system. All of them pretend that they are unable to see the gigantic realities behind the transparent veil of hypocritical verbal correctness.
The so-called “equal opportunity”, as practiced in this classist, racist, and elitist society, is flawed in the extreme to begin with. In many cases, equal opportunity is totally impossible. A person having grown up in poverty and crime infested slums and ghettos is highly unlikely to have an equal opportunity with someone from a Rockefeller, Morgan, Dupont, or Kennedy family. In others, the so-called “equal opportunity” only leads to unequal stations and statuses in life, being essentially a highly rigged rat race. On top of all that, the corrupt and poisonous practices of overwhelming majority of the Whites, monopolizing all the powerful as well as other positions, make even these highly flawed forms of equal opportunity unattainable and only a fantasy for overwhelming majority of the minorities. A large part of the relatively few minorities, who are allowed to cross the class and race barriers, are co-opted into serving the classist and racist interests of the unjust system, both consciously and unconsciously, hence becoming Orwellian minorities in essence, lined up against the elementary interests of overwhelming majority of their peoples, using the color of their skin to confuse them and derive every advantage they can for themselves. Under such conditions, very few can maintain their authenticity and integrity and the ones who succeed in doing so, usually do not survive long in that environment.
How can such very large numbers of outwardly normal and decent appearing people systematically engage in such demonic behaviors and actions as described above, is a question which modern psychology has not even raised, much less answered.
The political economy, mass psychology, and culture of classism, objectively and inevitably, translates into political economy, mass psychology, and culture of racism, in spite of all the subjective lip service to the contrary, which, in most cases, is nothing but blatant hypocrisy but may even be believed in “sincerely” by some. Classism is the real “melting pot” which blends everyone, regardless of color, race, or gender, under its sinister spell, into a conscious or unconscious participant in the practice of racism. Given the almost infinite potential of humans for bad faith and hypocrisy, it is not surprising that, subjectively, almost all such blended products continue to think of themselves and their socio-economico-political role in the civil rights and EEO situation Orwellianly i-e., opposite of what it really is.
VIII. Personal Effects
It is crystal clear that I have been the victim of the worst types of ignorance, arrogance, spiritual-intellectual-emotional atrophy and stultification, and vicious racist-discriminatory injustice – prevalent among the officials of various functionally classist, racist, and elitist networks of institutions of various kinds – which, in spite of their “independent” or “semi-independent” pretensions, share common politico-economic, sociological, and mass psychological bonds, structures, and foundations, which are manifested in their brutally arrogant, unjust, discriminatory, and irrational policies and actions in such matters. Objectively, this reality, and its creators and practitioners, have much in common with those of the dark ages, although, subjectively, they never tire of congratulating themselves for being the most enlightened, advanced, civilized, and democratic in history. Their techniques and methods may be different (basically, more hypocritical and dishonest) but their essence and results are the same. Also, during the dark ages, everything was done with considerable, and sometimes, great passion, evidently misplaced in such matters. The representatives of dark ages in modern times do everything in cold blooded, mechanical, and robot-like fashion. They are devoid of any profound and authentic passions. Hence the question of their right or wrong application does not even arise.
The destructive effects of all this on my life have been comprehensive and all-pervasive. These have practically ruined my career and life in this country. My qualifications and experience in the relevant professional areas have been systematically and progressively eroded over a prolonged period of time, during which I was also forced to suffer totally demonic and unjust impoverishment. I have had no health insurance since my career destruction at the USDA in 1988. Consequently, under the exorbitantly expensive costs of health care in this country, I have been unable to see a doctor for the past ten years, even thought I have needed medical examination and treatment for various health problems. I have been forced to live in a studio apartment and to drive an old beat up car. I have been unable to satisfy even the most elementary and basic human needs. The effects on my social and cultural life have also been disastrous. In the U.S. capitalist society, in which everything is founded upon money, in spite of all the hypocritical rhetoric and lip service to “higher values”, it is impossible to have a reasonable level of social or cultural life without adequate money. In addition, I have been disabled from fulfilling my basic responsibilities towards my closest relatives who have needed my help and support. As I mentioned earlier, my old father, who was a lawyer, philosopher, and poet, was forced to practice law from his deathbed as I was being subjected to demonic professional-economic destruction at that time and was thus disabled from helping him financially. I have, similarly, been unable to help my old mother for the same reasons. Even my marriage could not survive under the pressure of stresses and difficulties created by my career destruction. As a result, I was separated from my son, whom I loved more than anything else in this world, who was just five years old at that time. I have been unable to pay child support for him during the past ten years, which is a matter of great shame for me. I was born and raised in a culture in which taking care of parents in their old age and of young children are the most important responsibilities of a man. Having been socially disabled in this society, by infliction of the most unjust forms of professional-economic damages and impoverishment, I have not been able to fulfill either of these great responsibilities and my manhood has suffered drastic damages. I have not considered the option of a new marriage primarily because of the financial reasons. As I am strongly against promiscuity, I have been celibate for the past ten years after my divorce. I have been literally forced to live through hell. The emotional, philosophical, professional-economic, social, cultural, and other damages to my life, as a result of all this, have been immeasurably enormous. But, paradoxically, my spirit and soul have grown much purer and stronger through all these hellish sufferings inflicted on me. The soul and spirit are like metals. More you put them through fires, the stronger and purer you get, if one preserves one’s character and principles. It is for this reason that the great Russian writer Dostoevsky had proclaimed that suffering is the origin of consciousness. However, no one seems to understand the real meaning and significance of such profound statements in modern hedonistic, materialistic, and money-driven societies. Even though almost everyone pays abundant lip service to the great sufferings and sacrifices of Jesus Christ and other great men of history, they themselves lead lives of frenzied dedication to every cheap little material pleasure, every cheap and petty material comfort, total hedonism, often at great spiritual and intellectual costs. In this increasingly decadent world, suffering is often necessary for spiritual and intellectual depth and integrity. Avoidance of suffering at any cost and total dedication to vulgar hedonism- the overwhelming and predominant form of being, behavior, and “character” in this society- inevitably, lead to spiritual and intellectual shallowness, corruption, and destruction.
As it is almost impossible to obtain any real justice in this society in complex cases like mine, I am close to making a decision to move to another country. It will be extremely difficult to get started in a new society at this rather late stage in my life. However, I cannot continue to suffer the destructive effects of demonic types and levels of highly organized and institutionalized racist and discriminatory, political, intellectual, philosophical, and other forms of oppression, injustice, and brutalization. If I move to another country, it will inflict further great suffering on me and my son who is living with my ex-wife here. We will be forced into further separation over long distances.
IX. Further discussion and analysis
Enclosure 9 is copy of a recent article published in the December 11, 1996, issue of the major newspaper in Arizona, The Arizona Republic. It is self-explanatory and documents numerous complaints of various types of destructive racist-discriminatory practices of USDA against the minority farmers in the U.S. These complaints have been long-standing and, obviously, the USDA used similar strategy and tactics of deliberate delays, psychological warfare, and exhaustion in these cases as it used in mine. It was only when the minority farmers brought a lawsuit against the department and announced their plans to demonstrate in front of the White House- as well as due to the publicity of the matter in the major news media- that the USDA condescended to any form of seriousness in dealing with this massive problem, asking its Inspector General to investigate immediately the status of complaints. It is almost certain that the EEO and Civil Rights sections of the USDA were busy for many years in testing various methods of beating the hell out of facts, evidence, logic, justice, and goodness in their impeccable belief in and dedication to Orwellianism, like they did in my cases. It is clear from the above article that very large numbers of minority farmers have been devastated and ruined by such racist-discriminatory practices of the Agency. In spite of their large proportions, these cases of minority farmers constitute only a small part of the massive reality of discrimination and racism in the USDA which has had, and is having, extremely damaging effects on diverse sections of the minority populations in this country. These cases also are further evidence of the highly institutionalized and systematic nature of racist and discriminatory practices in the USDA. There certainly exists a solid and irrefutable ground for a massive class action case against the Agency. As mentioned earlier, the EEOC already has extensive information and evidence on these matters in its possession. If it were a truly independent organization, dedicated to justice and rights of the minorities, it would already have taken such an action. However, in view of the real nature and role of EEOC- as a legitimizing and stabilizing component of the institutional network of the system of the status quo of classist and racist privileges and inequalities- it would be totally idealistic to expect it to initiate such actions.
As briefly described in first preliminary report (Encl.10), connected with my cases against the Agency, my political and intellectual differences with the Agency personnel at the work location were always in the background of discriminatory, conspiratorial, and destructive actions against me by them. In some discussions of economic nature, when I cited some data of the U.S. Department of Commerce in support of my arguments, an official of the Agency accused me of spreading Soviet propaganda and of being a Soviet agent!!! On another occasion, an Agency official started badmouthing Arabs and Muslims stating that they were the meanest and dirtiest people. He also had much praise for the Israelis saying that “they are like us.” He said that he knew all that because he had spent some time in Israel. He knew that I was Muslim and was closely related to Arabs, culturally and religiously. Some of the conspiracies against me were initiated and implemented immediately after I had allowed an Agency employee to read some of my papers on political economy, sociology, and international relations which were critical of the nature and role of U.S. policy in the developing countries. I have also acquired and developed extensive amount of knowledge and information on the nature of problems of racism, discrimination, and persecution of minorities in the U.S. society and its various institutions. On these subjects. I expressed my well-founded opinions honestly and rationally whenever these came up during discussions. Almost all the other Agency personnel at the work location belonged to the White race and were, more or less, monolithic in their views on the subjects of race relations, racism, discrimination, and disempowerment of minorities- like they were monolithic on the subject of international relations- taking the extremist right-wing position of even denying the existence of these colossal problems in the U.S. society and attributing Christ-like benevolence to themselves in these matters in face of all the reality which stood in diametrical contrast to such claims. When I presented them with some well-researched and precise information on the extreme levels of racism, discrimination, extreme degrees of impoverishment, unemployment, and exclusion of minorities from various workforces- first and foremost from that of the Agency itself- they became totally hostile towards me and did whatever they could to damage my career and life. They were also monolithic in their other politico-economic, sociological, and scientific views, which seemed to have been formed, mass psychologically, under the influence of extremely shallow, superficial, one-sided, and class- and race-biased ideas and feelings, which they had, obviously, internalized, totally uncritically, from the powerful propaganda machines of the news media and other institutions. Almost all these specific occurrences were brought to the attention of the higher level Agency officials in Washington, D.C. These are parts of my case files. However, the higher level officials in Washington, D.C. proved to be even much worse in these matters than those at the work location.
The strategy, tactics, and actions of all the higher level Agency officials, supposedly “processing” and “adjudicating” my cases, constituted, in fact, a prolonged psychological warfare against me – an isolated minority individual in this country, in an ocean of hostile classist and racist environment – in highly organized, deliberate, calculated, and systematic manner, on behalf of an extremely powerful and resourceful Federal Government Agency, which has a well-documented and publicized record of mistreatment of and discrimination against the minorities. As indicated earlier, the collaborative attitude and passivity of the Compliance Officer of the EEOC, who failed to take any actions against the Agency after its blatant non-compliance with the terms and specifications of the excellent and carefully worded decision of the Director of Federal Operations of EEOC, Ms. Dolores Rozzi, within the specific limits of time as well as well beyond it, became additional components of this psychological warfare. All this generated enormous amounts of stress, pressures, and anxiety and led to my eventual psycho-emotional and professional-economic exhaustion, which caused me to sign the extremely humiliating, discriminatory, and unjust settlement and release agreement at that time. I have not felt wholesome since signing that agreement and even my motivation to work in the profession in this society has suffered severely as a result of the nightmarish experience with the USDA. Justice is not just one quality, concept, or issue among numerous others. Justice, in reality, constitutes the very core of human spirit and psyche as well as that of a healthy and truly democratic society. I believe that it is also central to God’s Great Spirit and, in this sense, is the central link between them. Everything else in human nature, society, and religion revolves around the central core of justice. When justice is as maliciously assaulted, wounded, and denied – especially in highly institutionalized and systematic manner – as is obviously the case in the USDA in general in relation to minorities as well as in this particular matter, nothing else can remain healthy or wholesome. Besides damaging the victims, the Agency inflicts severe spiritual, intellectual, ethical, and professional pathologies upon itself by such policies and actions and also violates the Spirit of God. I had called the EEOC’s Compliance Officer many times on the telephone. In one of our conversations he had stated that he was well aware of the systematic strategy and tactics of the officials of the USDA to exhaust their victims in cases of discrimination. And yet, as described above, instead of prevention of that happening in this case, he actually became a collaborative participant in the Agency’s demonic psychological warfare and games of exhaustion against me and my career, by not enforcing Agency’s compliance with the terms, orders, and spirit of the decision of the EEOC’s Office of Federal Operations on my appeal, in this connection, not only within the specified limits of time but 45 days beyond it. It is important to mention that the EEOC and the Federal agencies have strict and short limits of time for victims for compliance with and completion of various steps in the procedures of processing their cases. Any non-compliance or non-completion of any of these steps within the deadlines, on part of the victims, results in the dismissal of their cases. These double standards are extremely unjust and biased against the victims and enhance their persecution enormously during the processing of their cases.
As far as the role of the EEOC’s Compliance Officer in this matter is concerned, the key questions are:
1. Why was no action taken against the Agency when it failed to comply with the terms and orders of EEOC’s own decision within the specified limits of time as well as 45 days after the expiration of that deadline, when I was forced to sign the unjust and damaging settlement and release agreement, as a result of having been subjected to prolonged psychological warfare and exhaustion games by the Agency? As mentioned above, the Compliance Officer had explicitly stated that he was aware of the systematic nature of these psychological warfare and exhaustion games by the officials of USDA in cases of discrimination.
2. Why was no action taken against the Agency, when as demonstrated in my extensive analyses, contained in my case files, the Agency flagrantly and brazenly violated the specific orders, terms, letters, and spirit of the EEOC’s decision in whatever little it did do during the specified period of time within which it was ordered to complete all processing of my cases in specific and specified ways?
At the time of processing of my cases, the EEOC had extensive information in its possession about the highly institutionalized and systematic practices and processes of discrimination against the minorities in the USDA. For example, the Weekly Federal Employee News Digest had published the following information in its May 9, 1988 issue (Vol. 37, No. 39, Encl. 2):
“The Agriculture Department has drawn up a five-year affirmative action plan that calls for upgrading and increasing the number of minority and women employees. Embroiled in discrimination complaints in recent years, the department sent the plan to the Equal (Employment) Opportunity Commission, conceding a wide range of management and training shortcomings that have contributed to the department’s low standing as an equal opportunity employer.”
Similar information was also appearing in some of the major national newspapers, e.g. in The New York Times, June 12, 1986, p. Y10 (Encl. 3). In spite of being in possession of such indubitable and extensive information and in spite of extensive new evidence- contained in my case files, definitively proving that the USDA was continuing its destructive discriminatory practices against the minorities, in violation of its above-cited agreement with the EEOC- the EEOC totally failed to consider or situate my cases within the frameworks of that context. I repeatedly sent copies of published information in this regard to various EEOC officials at different stages of the processing of my cases in order to bring to their attention that information which they already possessed. My appeal against the USDA was filed with the EEOC during 1991, a few years after the above-cited information was published and at a time when the Agency was supposed to be improving its EEO-related employment and other practices, after essentially conceding the existence of highly institutionalized and systematic practices and processes of discrimination in its various institutions. Even though the decision of EEOC’s Office of Federal Operations on the abstract issues of my cases, involved in the appeal, was very well reasoned and just in the abstract sense, it totally failed to situate or consider my cases within the context and against the background of cumulative evidence and information of highly institutionalized, systematic, additive, and cumulative practices and processes of discrimination against and maltreatment of minorities in the Agency. My case files also contained irrefutable and extensive evidence and information which proved that the Agency was violating its above-cited agreement with the EEOC. And yet, the EEOC completely ignored that brazen violation. It was especially important to hold the Agency accountable in this connection at the compliance stage of the processing of my cases at the EEOC when the Agency blatantly and intoxicatedly violated almost all of the specifications and orders of the EEOC’s own decision and also failed to comply with its contents within the specified period of time as well as much beyond it. It was especially important at that stage for the EEOC to have situated and examined the extensive evidence and analyses of my cases as part of the continuum and cumulative evidence of highly institutionalized and systematic policies and practices of discrimination against the minorities in the USDA. The EEOC totally failed to consider or examine the inextricable inter-relatedness and grounding of my cases within the highly institutionalized and systematic structure of discrimination in the Agency, for which it already had extensive and cumulative evidence and information, as indicated above. The Agency was also forced to sign the above-cited specific agreement with the EEOC in that connection which the EEOC was supposed to be monitoring at that time!!!
The EEOC is the main organization responsible for ensuring the reduction and eventual elimination of all forms of discrimination in this society which is overflowing with these at present. The EEOC can and must take its own initiatives in situations, as described above, on the basis of all the additive, cumulative, and comprehensive evidence and information in its possession during the processing and adjudication of individual cases like mine. Not only did it not do anything in this connection, but failed to take any action even within the boundaries of my individual cases, considered in abstraction from their institutionalized structure as described above, when the Agency failed to comply with the specifications and orders of its own decision. At that stage, EEOC’s Compliance Officer continued to speak and act, in response to my numerous telephone calls, as if it was entirely up to me and the Agency to arrive at some agreement!!! He did not respond to my numerous written and verbal requests for taking effective action against the Agency for its non-compliance with and brazen violations of the EEOC’s orders in its decision on my appeal within the specified limits of time as well as far beyond it. The collaborative passivity of the EEOC’s Compliance Officer, in this connection, became the decisive factor, among others at that time, which eroded any confidence in me in regards to the possibility of obtaining any justice through the EEOC and generated additional pressures and stresses, on top of all the enormous previous ones, building to the level where I felt totally exhausted – psychologically, spiritually, financially, and professionally – leading to my signing of the unjust, humiliating, and discriminatory settlement and release agreement with the Agency. The EEOC played no role in the formulation of that agreement. It was formulated entirely by the Agency officials. In spite of all the information it had in its possession, in regards to structural discrimination in the Agency as well as that practiced in my individual cases, the EEOC raised no objections of any kind in relation to the blatantly unjust, humiliating, discriminatory, and destructive contents of the agreement.
As a result of all the injustices and irrationalities inflicted upon me by the USDA and EEOC’s handling of my cases, my career and life have been ruined in this country, for all practical purposes. Within the extremely rigidly and self-servingly organized rituals of selection and promotion processes in the agricultural research and development and educational institutions of this country- which, given the extreme monopoly of White race over jobs, resources, and power and concomitant extreme exclusion of minorities from these, constantly and structurally reproduce the status quo, in closest possible approximations- it is almost impossible for the minorities to enter at all in these professions to begin with. The brutal racist destruction of my career by the USDA’s official machinery has made it totally impossible for me to gain employment in these areas, especially in view of the fact that there was widespread propaganda, gossiping, and innuendos unleashed against me by various Agency officials at the time of my employment and during and after the processing of my cases of discrimination. I have been virtually blacklisted now in these professions through various McCarthyite tactics. As mentioned earlier, for more than a decade now, 93 percent of the positions on doctoral level in the agricultural research and development, extension, educational, and other institutions have been constantly monopolized by members of the White race in this country. Minority representation in these positions has been constantly suppressed at 7 percent during that period. As sinister as it looks, it is still not the whole story. Most of the minorities within this minuscule representation are concentrated in temporary post-doctoral and other low level positions. In addition, a significant portion of this percentage consists of non-citizen foreign nationals, many of whom may have financial support from their own government or international sources. Hence, as far as the minority U.S. citizens and permanent residents are concerned, the reality of their representation is even lower. On the higher levels of the positions, the workforce is almost Lilly White and the minority representation virtually does not exist. Crimes committed against my career and life are examples of what can happen to minorities within the structures of such severe racial imbalances in the workforces. More than anything else, such imbalances guarantee the constant reproduction of the status quo of employment as well as all the other forms of discrimination. This is a truism and apodictic. It should be self-evident to every being having any claim to any rationality. And yet, this most fundamental and structural dimension of the problems of racism and discrimination – indeed, their very foundation, which has determining effects on all the various individual cases and matters – is, most hypocritically and dishonestly, totally ignored during processing and adjudication of the cases of discrimination. Within the agricultural professions, it is virtually a taboo to even mention the subjects of racism and discrimination. What is operative here is a racist-classist party line which has been thoroughly internalized, self-righteously and self-servingly, by members of a racial group which is deriving professional and economic benefits from such a status quo and wishes to push and keep it under the rug. Any exposure of any facts in this connection elicits extreme hostility from the members of the privileged racial group. Needless to say that, like everything else, there are some exceptions to this within the privileged racial group. However, these are extremely rare and far between. Even within the scientific establishment, the agricultural institutions and their officials are notorious for their narrow-mindedness, self-satisfied isolation, and grotesque arrogance. Some articles have appeared on these matters even in the professional scientific journals. In connection with my afore-mentioned case of employment discrimination against the Montana State University on page 21, the investigator of the Montana Human Rights Commission had documented the fact that the selection committee members had openly questioned and discussed between themselves the suitability of a minority candidate for the rather petty position of Superintendent of a small research facility, in relation to my highly qualified candidacy!!! There would be a nationwide uproar, in these 1990’s, if questions were raised about minorities’ suitability even for the position of President of the United States of America. However, within the agricultural professions, such mentality is standard as their personnel are, psychologically, still living in the last century in these matters. And no one holds them responsible for actions based on such mentality.
As far as the USDA is concerned, as my case files make it abundantly clear, throughout the “processing” and “adjudication” of my cases, the Agency officials made a complete mockery of all the EEO concepts, laws, and procedures in practice while paying sickeningly empty lip service to them at the same time. For example, their abuse and mockery of the method of “full relief” offer, with which, in fact, they attempted to demolish and expunge the central and most important facts, evidence, and issues of my cases, in order to deprive me of any substantial relief or justice. Later, after the EEOC Office of Federal Operations, as a result of my appeal, frustrated their dishonest, hypocritical, and heinous actions in this connection, by determining that their offer of “full relief” was not full relief at all but a malicious attempt to damage my cases, and restored the central facts, issues, and evidence to their rightful place in my cases, the Agency officials, in their correspondence, openly stated that they never had any intentions of offering me a real full relief!!! This was a concrete proof that they were playing psychological warfare games with my life and career and were engaging in entirely unprofessional, illegal, dishonest, and malicious action, one of numerous such actions, during the “processing” and “adjudication” of my cases, making a mockery of EEO and EEOC procedures, laws, and regulations in this connection. They not only got away with total impunity, they were able to ruin my career by imposing an extremely unjust, discriminatory, and humiliating settlement agreement on me, taking full advantage of the collaborative passivity of the EEOC’s Compliance Officer and my professional, economic and psychological exhaustion, which they themselves had caused, planned, and implemented.
In my religion, Islam, lying or signing false and unjust documents and statements are strictly forbidden. I believe that such practices are also against the teachings of Christianity, the major religion in the U.S. Even though, in modern times, most followers of both religions have become opportunists and hypocrites and violate all such fundamental values and teachings in practice while paying empty lip service to them at the same time, I have striven in my life to be consistent in actions and speech, in relation to such values and teachings. I was forced to sign the settlement and release agreement with the USDA, under enormous coercive pressures, which was thoroughly unjust as well as full of false and misleading statements e.g. those in regards to the contents of the agreement having been a joint enterprise (implying that I had participated in its composition, while, in fact, I was allowed no such opportunity. It was totally and one-sidedly composed by the Agency officials who had a long history of taking all sorts of deceptive and discriminatory actions in my cases) or those in relation to my being fully satisfied with the terms of agreement or my signing the agreement “voluntarily” etc. etc… Throughout this writing, and especially on pages 13 through 21, I have demonstrated the totally unjust, false, and exploitative nature of these statements and other contents of that agreement. By subjecting me to conditions of extreme coercive pressures, oppression, and injustice, the Agency was able to make me sign that extremely unjust, discriminatory, and false document, which, besides other things, desecrated and violated my religion and my religious principles. People whose spirit has been diluted, corrupted, and desiccated beyond recognition may not be able to understand this, but for all healthy and authentic rational-spiritual beings, such matters are of utmost importance.
Issues and problems revealed in this essay are inevitably related to the nature and realities of democracy in the society. No democracy can remain wholesome or uneroded when such callous, unjust, unethical, immoral, and self-righteous dictatorships operate with such total impunity, intoxicated with their classist and racist privileges and powers, as have been revealed and analyzed in this writing. Bureaucrats in agencies like the USDA make a complete mockery of and subvert even the most elementary concepts and processes of democracy by their classist and racist mass psychology, behavior, and practices. As described earlier, an Agency official had blatantly stated that there was no democracy for the minorities in this society as the Founding Fathers had never intended that. He had stated that when he came to meet with me in connection with their efforts to get me to sign the above-mentioned settlement agreement. These people were never elected to their offices and are addicted and dedicated to dictatorial ways of thinking and acting, especially in relation to racially oppressed minorities. Such practices erode and inflict severe damages on the nature and reality of democracy itself. Democracy cannot be defined solely in terms of holding periodic elections in a given society. Democracy literally means power of the people. In its essence, the real democracy must be based upon universal, fair, and equitable distribution of the resources of power among the whole society instead of these being totally one-sidedly monopolized by tiny elitist sections of the population. The relative nature of democracy in any given society must be judged by its real outputs and not merely by its adherence to certain formal procedures e.g. holding of regular periodic elections for certain offices.
When I immigrated to this country in 1978, I was 37 years old, full of hopes, faith in the ultimate triumph of the positive side of human nature and democracy, and enthusiasm for service to the public. Now I am 56 years old and the diabolical racist-discriminatory destruction of my career and life here has, to a large extent, extinguished my hopes and enthusiasm, especially in view of the information and knowledge I have gained about the systematic, structural, and even international nature of these and similar other processes, through which the lives of tens of millions of human beings have been demonically destroyed, self-righteously, by the ruling classist and racist circles of this society. As mentioned earlier, besides other things, even my marriage broke up, mostly as a result of extreme levels of stresses and harms inflicted on me by the USDA. Now I live alone, separated from my ex-wife and fifteen years old son. I am unable to financially support my son. This will also cause damages to his growth and development and future. Such damages are always intergenerational in nature and are, in fact, much more serious and severe in many cases than those of purely physical violence. And yet, in this society, these are either ignored totally or dealt with evasively and hypocritically, at the minimum possible level. Even though I have lived and worked in numerous countries, some under harsh dictatorships at that time, I personally was never subjected to such demonic levels of injustice and destruction as here, in this supposed citadel of world democracy. At my age, it is almost impossible for me to change my situation, no matter how hard I try, within the rigidly structured rituals and practices of the agricultural institutions, which are geared towards producing and reproducing the status quo of extreme racial imbalances in their workforces, excluding minorities to an extreme degree. The diabolical attacks against the equal employment opportunity and affirmative action, currently taking place at all levels of political, judicial, and corporate power, are occurring within the context of a reality which is saturated with cases like mine (Even though comprehensive and in-depth analyses and articulation of these as attempted in this writing, are extremely rare), on the basis of substitutions of fairy tales for the reality and the blatant lies that the equal opportunity goals have been largely achieved and that the affirmative action practices have far surpassed their aims. As cited earlier, according to the data of 1992 NSF report, the extreme degree of monopoly of Whites on Ph.D. level positions in the agricultural institutions of the U.S. remained constant at 93 percent between 1979 and 1989 (the last year for which the data were reported). Even though the situation in the agricultural professions is the worst, it is not much different in other areas of sciences also. Only the White women have been allowed to make significant progress in all these areas. As far as the minorities are concerned, the situation has remained essentially static, if the actual facts and data are examined, during the period in which affirmative action was supposed to have been bringing about large transformations in the compositions of the workforces. The White race has maintained the extreme levels of monopoly quotas for itself in all the various fields of agricultural and other sciences with total self-righteousness and self-confidence and the various EEO agencies and the EEOC have, by and large, collaborated with these practices. For maintaining such a quota system for itself, a whole variety of crooked, dishonest, and unfair methods are used in the selection processes, by the selection committees which are almost always either exclusively composed of Whites or are totally dominated by them. In numerous cases, the racial identity of minority candidates is self-evident in the application materials and their qualifications and experience are grossly under-rated relative to those of the White candidates. If somehow, in rare cases, some minority candidates make it to the top or near the top of the selection cycle, the selection officials, in great majority of these cases, discard the whole selection cycle and readvertise the positions, using various pretexts, starting a new cycle of selection, in order to select the candidate of their preferred race. This is all supposed to be legal!!! My highly qualified candidacy for various positions was subjected to such barbaric injustices numerous times by the USDA and other agricultural institutions. Specific cases were documented in my case files which were also brought to the attention of the EEOC, with in-depth analyses and documentation. However, the EEOC took no action at all in these most important matters. Of course, the most important fundamental factor in the maintenance of the status quo of extreme degree of exclusion of minorities from the workforces of agricultural and other scientific establishments is the real mass psychology of their administrators and other officials, which is hideously corrupt, dishonest, and hypocritical in relation to minorities, designing methods and practices which reproduce the status quo constantly, while paying abundance of demonic lip service to equal employment opportunity and until now, occasionally, even to affirmative action. The results of all this demonism are fully self-evident and predictable in the data cited above. How could anyone expect anything different? And yet, the demagogues are claiming the opposite, manufacturing illusions, and refusing to see or examine the actual facts, in their unspeakably ruthless and unjust campaign against the most elementary rights and needs of the minorities. As described earlier, their collaborators in the scientific establishment are now blatantly attempting to change the facts and data themselves by changing data bases, definitions, and other contexts. This amounts to performing magic on paper but they are totally self-confident that they can substitute it for reality as they do not anticipate any voices of courage from their own ranks and seem to have only contempt for the intelligence and commitment of minorities and their organizations.
During the prolonged and systematic destruction of my career and erosion of my qualifications and experience, not a finger was lifted to help me against this great ocean of classist and racist hostility and aggression. As far as the agricultural institutions and their officials are concerned, it is perhaps more realistic to expect help from the Devil in one’s struggle against evil than from these hordes of grotesquely arrogant and self-righteous robots. As mentioned earlier, even any mention of the existence of problems of racism and discrimination is a total taboo in these institutions of “higher education” and “scientific research” and elicits extreme clone-like hostility.
If such is the demonic state of affairs in the “most highly educated” layers of society, what is the reality of those sections of society which are supposedly less educated, less developed, and less civilized? All these problems remain, by and large, hidden from the public consciousness under the blinding glitter of all sorts of abstract scientific and technological achievements and products in a society totally mesmerized and hypnotized by such one-sided and destructive materialism and itself being subjected to the same or similar forces of “development” and destruction as described above. The cult of narrow specialization in science and technology and the cult of money in the dominant institutions of society and the society itself, in their long mutually complementary existence and evolution, are now leading to progressive erosion and destruction of the holistic human nature, resulting in various types of fragmented and mutilated forms, some of which may be (and frequently are) highly efficient and productive in the narrow sense within the boundaries of their narrow and fragmented areas of activities but may be (and frequently are) highly destructive, in the broad ecological sense, to human nature, society, and the life-supporting systems of material nature.
As relatively more intelligent humans (including those belonging to the minorities) are relatively more sensitive to and cognizant and perceptive of these problems, these have the effects of keeping and pushing them away from various areas of science and technology, especially given the absolute mechanistic and self-confident rigidity of scientific establishment in these matters. This is enormously detrimental to the society as whole, humans, other forms of life, material nature, and their ecologies.
I happen to have very strong principles in these matters. I have felt very very unhappy and violated as a result of being forced to sign the racist-discriminatory, unjust, and humiliating settlement and release agreement with the USDA after being subjected to a prolonged professional-economic and psychological warfare by the Agency. I have not felt wholesome since signing that agreement. It is as if I compromised part of my spirit, part of my soul and intellect, in signing that agreement.
I want no pity from anyone, I only want justice and my rights of citizenship.
Many of my most essential and fundamental constitutional, human, and legal rights have been totally and brazenly violated by networks of cross-institutional officials who are demonically intoxicated with the powers of injustice and evil and who have not only gotten away with total impunity but have enhanced their careers, while mine has been totally ruined by them.
I seek full justice through a thorough and conscientious investigation of these matters by competent personnel of an organization other than those previously involved in them, personnel for whom words like justice, honesty, and integrity are not mere empty words which can be played football with to arrive at objectives contrary to their meanings or essence- a widespread and common practice these days, which has desecrated the language and speech and ruined their authentic powers. I need people for this purpose who still have some sense of sacredness and reverence towards these words and the great realities they represent. The culprits must be fully punished and I must be fully rehabilitated and compensated.
X. Economics of classism and racism
I have discussed the powerful role of classism and racism in the political economy and mass psychology of contemporary U.S. science and scientists numerous times in this essay. A brief review of the following data, based upon the government’s own statistics, will be very useful in further illustration and clarification of the concepts developed here.
In this society, the top 10 percent of households own 98 percent of the tax-exempt state and local bonds, 94 percent of the business assets, and 95 percent of the value of all trusts. The richest 1 percent own 60 percent of all corporate stock and 60 percent of all business assets. Ninety percent of American families have little or no net assets and innumerable ones have negative i-e., they owe more than they own (1). The greatest source of individual wealth is inheritance. “Rags to riches” is a rare exception. Virtually everyone dies in the economic class to which they were born. The trend is towards ever greater economic inequality (2). In such a dollarist-materialist society like that of the U.S., all the other forms of inequalities are founded upon and connected to the economic inequalities. The top 1 percent saw their average income soar by 85.4 percent after taxes in the decade up to 1990, while the incomes of bottom fifth declined by 10 percent. Income and wealth disparities are now greater than at any time since such information was first collected in 1947(3). In this society, the top 800,000 people have more money and wealth than the other 184,000,000 combined (over age sixteen). By 1988, there were 65,000 millionaires here with combined incomes of $173 billion. As one economist put it: “if we made an income pyramid out of a child’s blocks, with each layer portraying $1000 of income, the peak would be far higher than the Eiffel Tower, but almost all of us would be within a yard of the ground (4).” The sections at the top or close to the top of the pyramid constitute the ruling class of rich and the super-rich which is the real creator of some of the most important foundations of mass psychology and culture, as well as other aspects, of science and scientists and rest of the population.
According to the latest Census figures, Black and Hispanic median family incomes were 52.5 % and 58.5 % of Whites, respectively, during 1992 and 1993 (5). In 1991, 2.1 % of White, 11.8 % of Black, and 6.4 % of Hispanic families were very poor, with incomes of less than $5,000. During the same period, there were 1,353,000 White males with incomes of $100,000 or more but only 12,000 Blacks and 27,000 Hispanics. There were also 143,000 White women with earnings above $100,000 but only 11,000 Black and 1,000 Hispanic women in that category (6). In 1991, the latest year for which Census data are available, the median net worth of White families was $44,408; of Black families, $4,604; and of Hispanic families $6,345(7). According to the official data, there were 40 million poor people in the U.S. during 1993, including 19 million Whites, representing 10 % of the White population; 11 million Blacks, representing one-third of the African American population; 8 million Hispanics, over 30 % of Hispanic population; 1 million Asians, 15.3 % of Asians; and 1 million Native Americans, 25.1 % of the total Native Americans. Generally, the poor Blacks, Hispanics, and Native Americans were poorer than the poor Whites (8). In 1992, African Americans and Hispanics held only 500 of the nearly 10,000 highest ranking executive jobs in the federal government, between them.
The government employment and unemployment statistics have several very serious omissions and flaws, including the counting of only those who register and apply for the unemployment insurance and excluding those who are relatively long term unemployed, having run out of unemployment insurance; counting those who work only part time equally with the fully employed; and excluding the large prison population. For example, the minimal official data for 1992 showed that 6.9 % of Whites, 15.2 % of Blacks, and 8.3 % of Hispanics were unemployed (9). However, the real numbers were much higher. According to some economists, e.g., Perlo (10), these numbers were double those of the official figures. If 16-64 years old part of the population is considered and the prison population is also included, excluding those 65 years or older who are at the official retirement age, the unemployment percentages change drastically for that year, 20.1 % for Whites, and 39.1 % for Blacks. Even if factors of early retirement, full time scholarships, disabilities, or people preferring not to work etc. are considered, these latter percentages will only change by a few points.
In 1993, African Americans were only 3 % of the doctors and dentists, 2.7 % of lawyers, and 4.8 % of the college and university teachers. Likewise they were only 1 % of farm operators and managers but 7 % of farm workers (11). For 1994, the Labor Department data showed 4.2 % physicians and 3.3 percent lawyers to be Black and 5.1 % physicians and 3.1 percent lawyers to be Hispanic. As dismal as these figures are, these are still artificially inflated through changing the system of counting and a new method of statistical manipulation by the Labor Department. This magic on paper is similar to the one described in case of NSF on pages 3 to 5 in which it resorted to changing the data bases, definitions, and introduction of new techniques of statistical manipulations to inflate the representation of minorities on the scientific and engineering workforce by four percentage points in its 1994 report. These new data of the Labor Department and NSF, far from being the reflection of improvements for the minorities in reality, are, in fact, the most cynical, conscienceless, anti-scientific, and crooked manipulations and selective juggling of scientific concepts, methods, and techniques for predetermined ends, i-e., to distort and misrepresent the reality and facts, to inflate the figures for minority representation on the workforces, and to mislead the public.
In the private sector, in 1991, 478,000 White executives had earnings of above $100,000 but less than 500 African American executives, i-e., roughly a ratio of 1000:1. As far as the much touted Black and other minority businesses and enterprises are concerned, the reality shatters the myths and illusions in this connection to pieces. Since 1969, when periodic Census surveys have been conducted, the Black businesses have been stuck in the extremely trivial and marginal role in the totality of U.S. businesses and enterprises, with sales of one-fifth of one percent (0.20 %) and employment of one-fourth of one percent (0.25 %) of the total. The relative position of Black firms in the overall economy has actually declined from 0.22 % of total sales in 1969 to 0.19 % in 1987. Like the NSF and Labor Department trickeries, described earlier on pages 3 to 5 and above, the Census Bureau practiced its own by asserting that Black business sales were 1 % of the total of all U.S. sales, using a figure of about two trillion dollars for the total U.S. sales, instead of the actual more than ten and a half trillion dollars. The trick consisted of comparing the total for all Black firms (about $20 billion in 1987) with that for all the small firms, instead of all the firms, big and small (12). As in the case of NSF and the Labor Department, they have gotten away with such abuses with total impunity and without any voice of courage, conscience, or opposition from within their own ranks or from any other organizations or individuals, including those who never tire of claiming and boasting to be representing the Blacks’ and other minorities’ interests. The sales of Latino, Asian, and Native American owned businesses in 1987 were $25 billion, $33 billion, and $1 billion respectively. Hence, the share of all the minorities’ owned businesses was actually less than 1 % of the total, i-e., about 0.8 %. After 1987, due to large influx of Asian capital, mainly from Japan and Korea, the Asian share of business ownership and sales has jumped considerably. The workforce at Black owned firms, not all the employees of which are Black, has varied between 1.5 % and 2 % of the total number of Blacks in the U.S. labor force (13).
No language can adequately describe the great variety of economic, psychological, cultural, spiritual, social, and other damages to the victims of racism. However, certain parts of the economic damages can be measured with reasonable accuracy. For example, if differences in mean per capita incomes of minorities from those of non-Hispanic Whites are multiplied by the number of minority people and 5% added to account for the undercount of minorities, the losses to minorities, just in this category, amounted to $522 billion in 1992, in 1995 prices (using consumer price index) (14). The 1955 Economic Report of the President had estimated such losses to the minorities, as a result of racism to be $20 billion in 1954 (15). John Roosevelt, son of F. D. Roosevelt, had raised the estimate to $30 billion for 1955 (16). Splitting the difference to $25 billion as an estimate for 1955, the amount would be $141 billion in 1995 prices. Hence, the super-profits from racism and economic losses to minorities, just in one category of losses, have multiplied 3.7 times between 1955 and 1992.
Similar diabolical racist inequalities and damages to the minorities manifest themselves on all levels of educational institutions. For example, in 1989, Blacks and Hispanics received only 5.7% and 1.8% of the Bachelors degrees and 3.5% and 2.4% of the Doctorate degrees, respectively. These figures were 6.5% and 2.1% for Bachelors degrees and 4.3% and 2.9% for Doctorate degrees for Blacks and Hispanics, respectively, for 1977, showing a decline in the percentage of higher education degrees awarded to minorities between 1977 and 1989 (17). The higher education completion rates for Blacks and Hispanics are also much lower than Whites, due to a whole range of unequal and unjust conditions that the former face in their lives and school qualities and environments. According to the EEOC data, in 1991, Blacks had only 4.7% and Hispanics only 2.2% of the faculty positions in the colleges and universities of the U.S., in higher education (18). Similar extreme under representation of minorities also exists in respect to the secondary school teaching workforce in which Blacks held 9.6% (6.3% of these positions were held by Black females) and Hispanics 3.2% of the teaching positions in 1992-93 (19).
There are also vast differences in the mean incomes of minorities and Whites with comparable levels of education. For example, in 1991, among the 25 years or older males, the mean incomes of Blacks were 87% of the Whites in the category of less than 9 years of education, 75.3% in that of high school education, 75.6% in that of incomplete college, and 68.1% in that of holders of college degree. Hence, the income gap widened with the higher levels of education, reaching 32% in case of those with college degrees (20)!
The EEOC has published numerous detailed reports on employment statistics and patterns, based on data supplied to it by various businesses and other organizations. Even though not all the requested information is supplied by the enterprises and not all of them send in the reports, still, in spite of these and other flaws, these reports are valuable resources for researchers on the problems of minorities’ relative inclusion or exclusion from various workforces. However, the EEOC’s record on enforcement of civil rights and EEO laws has been dismal and extremely detrimental to the elementary interests and rights of the minorities. To be sure, its powers and resources are limited. But whatever powers and resources it does have, are applied, by and large, in the service of the status quo and the powers that be, with very few exceptions under exceptional circumstances. The number of cases of discrimination filed with the EEOC is approaching 100,000 a year. Conciliation or court action are considered only in 3% of all the cases. The investigators tend to dismiss the cases on the slightest and most irrational of pretexts, given weight only by the bureaucratic authority, which they can, and do, abuse with total impunity in the service of their real main function, as an indispensable part of the system of classist and racist power, i-e., to legitimize the system and power structure and its various institutions and to keep the costs of discrimination and racism to them to a minimum, at the expense of the victims of classist and racist destruction. In keeping with its main function, the whole tendency of the EEOC bureaucracy is to avoid any kind of strong action regardless of the nature and levels of injustices and destruction which the victims might be subjected to by their classist and racist, frequently conscienceless and robot-like, destroyers. Sixty percent of the cases are dismissed outright for allegedly not supplying enough evidence of discrimination. Frequently, even the most glaring and indubitable evidence is not given the status of evidence by these little zombie-like dictators, many of whom are quite under-educated, unqualified, and with low levels of mental abilities. Most of them are totally incapable of handling complexities of complicated cases, especially those involved in higher academic, scientific, and other levels of positions. It was reported in The New York Times that many EEOC investigators “…..made light of employers’ sexual and racial slights…..were crude, abrupt, and ill-informed, and never returned telephone calls” (21). In the relatively very few cases, in which the EEOC sides with the victims, the emphasis is on cash payments for the past discrimination, rather than the “make whole” relief. Such cash payments in those rare cases are kept to a minimum and are usually trivial in comparison to the losses suffered by the victims. During fiscal year 1992, the value of all settlements in the EEOC was $96 million. Out of that amount, more than one-third, $35 million, were payments to 32 management officials who had filed cases of age discrimination. The largest settlement in EEOC’s history, consisting of an award of $66 million, was achieved by pregnant women in a case of discrimination against the AT & T, which was more than two-thirds of all the settlements in that year (22). Hence, even though, racism is by far the most colossal component of all discrimination and injustice in this society, its proportional share in the totally inadequate and mutilated compensations is greatly reduced by the EEOC bureaucracy, in relation to even the tiny fraction of the cases which are allowed to reach that level after the demonic demolition of overwhelming majority of those cases (according to the above data, 97% of the cases of racist discrimination are annihilated by the EEOC). How could there be any doubt about the invaluable and indispensable service of the EEOC to the powerful classist and racist economic, political, and other institutions of the system? Can the relatively negligible settlements serve as a fig leaf to cover up the gigantic reality of that service and function of the EEOC? Not if one has one’s eyes open. Unfortunately, a lot of people have already chosen to keep their eyes closed and bury their heads in the sand, and for one reason or another, are addicted to using such illusions in subjective rationalizations of the status quo or, at the best, meaninglessly diluted and ineffective descriptions and “analyses” of these colossal problems. For a detailed and in-depth analysis of the economics of racism in the U.S.A., the work of Victor Perlo (10) is an excellent resource.
Such gigantic and monstrous social level crimes and sins, victimizing tens of millions of human beings, are, by and large, ignored and remain uninvestigated. The ruling elites constantly blabber about “democracy”, “freedom”, and “human rights” as if these great words, which they have thoroughly desecrated and abused, would somehow rationalize and drown out these colossal classist and racist realities, crimes, and sins. Enormous human and financial resources are expended on relatively petty little scandals involving some individuals or groups of the ruling elites from which other and opposing individuals or groups can derive some politico-economic advantages. The sex scandal, involving President Clinton, is the most recent example of this on which millions of dollars of public resources and enormous amounts of time and efforts of public officials have been spent to bring out every little detail, every little fact, every little written or spoken word to light. To be sure, the scandal is real but so is the Republican Party agenda, the essence of which consists of making as much political capital out of the scandal as possible and to advance the political power and control of the Republican Party to the maximum. Fortunately the American people saw through this and the Republican Party was frustrated in its plans and agenda in the November elections. The key point here, however, is that such enormous human and financial resources are lavishly spent on these relatively trivial matters because the conflicting interests of the ruling elites are involved in them. When it comes to such incomparably more important matters, involving gigantic social realities and problems, like racism and discrimination, which have such disastrous effects on the lives of tens of millions of human beings belonging to the minorities, destroying their lives and careers in a great variety of ways, there is complete silence and inaction on the part of ruling elites and their institutions. There are not even some formal and decorative investigations of such matters. Is the Justice Department unaware of these gigantic realities and facts? Are even the organizations claiming to represent the minorities’ interests and rights ignorant of them? It is totally unlikely that they are ignorant of these colossal problems. The basic problem is that everyone is playing the game according to the rules dictated by the power elites. Certain realities are not to be seen or touched no matter how gigantic these might be. These are to be ignored as much as possible. So long as one oneself is doing well under the system, the Devil take the tens of millions whose lives and careers are being eroded and destroyed by the system of injustice, racism, and discrimination. After all, that is as American as the American pie and is even necessary and good as it is the result of “Democracy”, “Freedom”, and “Human Rights”. One can write a whole volume on this subject alone but I will stop here.
Why can the Justice Department not appoint special prosecutors to investigate these matters, especially the diabolical role of the EEOC, various state EEO and civil rights agencies, and the EEO sections of various government and private organizations, particularly their transformations and roles during the 1980’s, when, under Reagan and Bush administrations, all these agencies wrecked havoc with the lives of minorities, all the EEO and civil rights concepts and laws, justice, basic human decency, and everything good and true in their demonic intoxication with political and bureaucratic powers? They also created an enduring environment, mass psychology, and culture in their own organizations, as well as in the whole country, which remain intact and unabated and continue to make the attainment of justice impossible for the overwhelming majority of minorities’ peoples, eroding and ruining their lives and the lives their families and children.
President Clinton’s Initiative on Race has done little to address the problems discussed in this report. His Advisory Group has produced a report, after enormous expenditures of time and resources, which scrupulously bypasses the main issues, the essence of the problem of racism and discrimination. It does not take to task the existing state of affairs in the EEOC and other civil rights and EEO agencies. It substitutes intellectually shallow ideas and utterances, gathered from numerous public meetings, in which no intellectually and rationally coherent and deep thoughts or concepts could be presented or developed, for the real socio-historically based objective analyses and recommendations. It presents an extremely diluted and watered down version of virtual reality in this connection. My own report stands in stark contrast to that report. My report is the result of one man’s efforts and resources. I believe that it reflects the reality incomparably more objectively and honestly than the Report of the President’s Initiative on Race. Even though my report focuses on the situation in the agricultural and other scientific establishments, it contains material and concepts that are applicable and valid in relation to the U.S. society as a whole.
THE VOICE OF CONSCIENCE, SOCIAL JUSTICE, AND TRUTH, AND THE SPIRIT OF EQUALITY AND EQUAL OPPORTUNITY WILL NOT BE SILENCED BY THE MONSTROUS ARMIES OF ZOMBIES GUARDING THE GATES OF CLASS AND RACE PRIVILEGE. WE WILL CONTINUE TO BE HEARD UNTIL ALL RACIST INJUSTICE AND DISCRIMINATION ARE ELIMINATED FROM THIS SOCIETY WHICH IS OVERFLOWING WITH THESE AT PRESENT. I REFUSE TO CAPITULATE TO THE FORCES OF OPPRESSION AND INJUSTICE AND TO BE SILENCED BY THEM. LONG LIVE JUSTICE AND DEMOCRACY. LONG LIVE HUMAN SPIRIT
If justice continues to be impossible for me in this country, then I will consider seeking asylum from this repression and destruction in some other country.
Finally, it is obvious that the relevance and applicability of information, analysis, and knowledge, presented in this report, go far beyond my individual cases, uncovering and revealing some of the most important macro-level structures and processes of mass psychology, political economy, ecology, interracial realities, and culture – buried deep in the permafrost of self-serving and suicidal ignorance – which are of incomparably more importance than my own cases as these involve macro-level systematic and institutional problems and realities that are important in themselves as well as are relevant to the fundamental interests of various large social and racial groups as well as the society as a whole. In an official and professional environment, dominated by opportunism and operationalistic methods of analysis, in the service of privileged classes and groups, by which reality, problems, issues, and facts are fragmented, isolated, and abstracted from each other to the maximum possible extent, it is clearly too idealistic to expect that any appropriate consideration will be given to these larger and much more important macro-level problems and issues by the rigidly conditioned and highly intoxicated authorities. In spite of my deep awareness of extreme difficulties in this respect, I felt it to be my duty to throw some light on the real nature of these matters which have been treated as black holes in space by the scientific establishment and others, as invisible and unknowable. It is not even clear which authorities, if any, are responsible to look into such matters in this society. Such social and institutional deficiencies and confusion make the rectification and reforms in these matters almost impossible and maintain and perpetuate the macro- and micro-level processes, structures, policies, and actions of injustice and evil to the great benefit of privileged classes and groups and to the great detriment and loss of the oppressed and victimized classes, groups, and individuals.
During the past several years, after the imposition of coercive, unjust, and discriminatory settlement and release agreement on me by the USDA, I tried to bring many of the matters discussed in this writing to the attention of USDA, EEOC, and other officials. No action was taken to rehabilitate me even though, as mentioned previously, the then Secretary of Agriculture, Mr. Mike Espy, in his letter of February 17, 1993, had acknowledged the existence of widespread discriminatory practices in his Agency (Encl. 4). He had invited me to send a copy of my resume to his office for consideration of a position. I sent him my reply and resume promptly. However, nothing came of it and even the receipt of that material was not acknowledged. Typically, he tried to bring about some cosmetic changes in the Agency in these matters without any real substance. Even these provoked great anger and dissatisfaction from the deeply entrenched good old boys networks that dominate everything in the Agency. Subsequently, as is well known, he was forced to resign as a result of a scandal which involved relatively petty issues, while officials, who are guilty of incomparably greater and more serious violations of ethics and law, especially in the area of civil rights and EEO, continue to flourish full bloom in the Agency. The EEOC and others simply referred me back to the USDA at that stage!!!
The best interests of society in general and those of minority communities in particular demand wide publicity of such information and analysis, as contained in this writing, in the various national and international media. These also need to be brought to the attention of various governmental and non-governmental organizations. As mentioned previously, in connection with the sections involving the USDA, USDA had coercively imposed extremely repressive restrictions on publicity of information connected with its racist-discriminatory destruction of my career, in its unjust settlement and release agreement. I believe that it is my utmost ethical, moral, and politico-economic duty and responsibility to publicize all the information and analysis, contained in this writing, in its integrated structure. The relevance and scope of this essay goes far beyond the USDA, extending into the agricultural professions as a whole, science and technology in general, various problems of external ecology of material nature and internal ecology of human nature in connection with the culture and practices of science and technology and scientists within definite politico-economic power structures, and the social consequences of all this and more. As recommended in its own internal report (Encl. 5, p. 4-2 and p. 5-2), it is important that such repressive practices be stopped at the USDA in connection with civil rights and discrimination cases in general. In the light of information and analysis presented here, it is especially important to remove such repression from my life and activities and to rehabilitate me fully, with full justice, which must include full compensation for all the various forms of oppression, repression, career destruction, and other damages.
Initially, I am sending copies of this writing only to the USDA and the EEOC. If the matters related to the USDA are not resolved satisfactorily within these organizations, then I will have no choice but to resort to other avenues of justice. If justice continues to be denied to me in spite of all these efforts in this country, then, as mentioned earlier, I will consider seeking asylum from all this injustice and repression in some other country. The government is supposed to protect the legal, human, and professional-economic rights of all its citizens, including those belonging to the minorities. This society is overflowing with the violations and abuses of these as well as many other rights of minorities. When the agencies of the government itself, like the USDA, turn out to be some of the worst and most brazen and self-confident violators of the minorities’ rights, engaging in such practices with total impunity on a systematic basis, with the overt and covert collaboration and support of networks of other official organizations, some of which were supposedly created specifically for the protection of equal opportunity rights of the minorities and others, then the situation has been literally turned into hell for the victims and they may have no choice but to try to jump out the demonic web of oppression, repression, and destruction, into which they have been trapped by the most self-confident and self-righteous forces of evil in history.
It is self-evident that the modes of racist-discriminatory, politico-economic, and other types of violence, brutality, and aggression have evolved and changed in modern times. While previously, the physical brutality and violence were the dominant mode, now other types, involving highly ritualized, institutionalized, and systematic professional, economic, and other such practices; have become dominant in the arsenals of the forces of injustice and oppression, without being recognized or acknowledged as such. These new forms brutalize and destroy countless millions of human beings professionally, economically, psychologically, emotionally, and culturally for prolonged and sustained periods of time, a large proportion throughout their lives. Purely crude physical brutality is also practiced routinely by the sections of society which are equipped for it e.g., many members of the police departments. However, this form, previously dominant throughout the society, is now secondary. And yet, hardly any attention is being paid to the above-mentioned currently dominant form, about which there is great conceptual, intellectual, and spiritual vacuum at present, in spite of volumes of studies and publications on such subjects. Some of these new forms have been identified and analyzed in this study. As far as the previous old form of crude physical brutality is concerned, most of such cases never get publicized. Only very rarely, e.g., in case of Rodney King and, more recently, in that of a Haitian immigrant in New York, a tiny fraction of such cases receives high levels of publicity and attention due to some extraordinary circumstances. Then the whole machinery of self-righteous hypocrisy goes into action. Lawyers start seeing the dollar signs, politicians try to jump on the bandwagon to make as much political capital out of such tragedies as they can, and the entire social apparatus, including, first and foremost, those who practice the new form routinely and systematically, goes into the high gears of self-cleansing, self congratulations, and indignation at the extreme nature of the physical brutality, without a flicker of reflection on the nature of their own colossal brutalities, only different in form, not in substance, from the ones they so passionately condemn. They congratulate themselves for such condemnations and for not practicing the old forms. They are totally oblivious to the fact that the new forms, which are dominant now, are, in many ways, much more destructive and torturous to their victims and their families on the inter-generational levels. Most of the dominant news media and official as well as unofficial think tanks are also, by and large, complacent and silent on these matters. The minorities’ leadership, mostly living securely, comfortably, and smugly within the present system, in great contrast to the overwhelming majority, have failed and betrayed the great mass of their peoples. They have not only been totally ineffective in addressing the kind of problems and issues identified in this study, but have been so very silent and ignorant about them.
The cross-institutional networks of practitioners of the new forms, as described above, are particularly callous and vicious towards minority immigrants from other countries, including those who are citizens of this country, like myself. Given the generally predatory nature of mass psychology and behavior in this society, themselves the products of specific politico-economic, cultural, and other foundational forces, processes, and structures; even a large portion of the members of indigenous minorities, who may have managed to occupy some petty or significant positions of authority within the system, exhibit remarkable indifference towards the relatively recent immigrants and their problems and issues, which, in many ways, are much more serious and severe than other groups as a result of the relative group power relationships, on the basis of which almost everything in this society functions and is regulated, in spite of all the pronouncements to the contrary.
In this essay, many diverse aspects of the problems of discrimination and ecology of human nature have been discussed, mainly but not exclusively, in reference to the agricultural and other scientific establishments in the U.S. Many of the analyses are also relevant to the understanding of these problems in other institutions of the society and the society as a whole. Objective data as well as subjective experiences and observations leave no doubt that the agricultural institutions and professions are the worst violators of minorities’ rights and the most self-righteous and self-confident monopolizers of power, resources, and positions for the dominant race, with concomitant degree of extreme exclusion of minorities from these. Other parts of the scientific establishment are not far behind in such practices. Even the social institutions which were supposedly created explicitly for reduction and elimination of these problems, e.g., EEOC and various state “civil” and “human” rights agencies are highly complacent with the status quo. Some parts of the nature and causes of this diabolical situation have been identified and discussed in this essay. However, there is an urgent great need for more comprehensive studies in this regard. Patchwork, operationalistic, and ad hoc approaches to politico-economically and socially rooted macro-level problems, the standards under the present system, hide rather than reveal the real nature of these problems or their possible solutions. At the most, these approaches might rectify such problems in only a small fraction of the total number of cases. It is clear that that is precisely what they were designed to do. They totally fail to address or rectify these problems in their macro-level structure in which all the micro-level individual cases are inextricably embedded and from which their continued production and reproduction happens automatically.
As far as my own individual cases and damages are concerned, as described above, these have been multidimensional, extensive, and devastating. For some of the fundamental dimensions, nothing can compensate or rectify. For example, the best and most important years of my life have been ruined and wasted in the diabolical web of destruction described above. Nothing can restore them to me now. Whatever individual justice is done to me, it would mostly benefit my son, who is just starting his youth. This is so important to me that I have decided to pursue the attainment of justice at this time against all odds. Another reason is that if the culprits, especially in the USDA, are brought to justice and punished for their crimes, and if some attention is paid to the more general and macro-level dimensions of the issues and problems, analyzed in this study, it will reduce similar damages and destruction to other potential victims, with whom this society is saturated through and through. A thorough investigation of these matters by the Justice Department or some other appropriate agency, with the participation of representatives of minorities’ organizations, e.g., National Association for the Advancement of Colored Peoples (NAACP), Congressional Black Caucus etc., would also contribute significantly towards individual and social level rectifications. If large numbers of case files, involving the processing and adjudication of various cases of discrimination, from the USDA, EEOC, and selected state “civil” and “human” rights agencies, are seized by the Justice Department for examination, there is no doubt in my mind that demonic types and levels of cross-institutional, systematic, and multidimensional varieties of unjust and discriminatory practices, processes, and structures, inflicting diabolical damages on uncountable victims, will be brought to light and to public and official awareness. It is only after such actions that any of the absolutely essential reforms in this absolutely sinister situation will become possible at all.
Today is May 19, 1999. On May 23rd, four days from now, I am leaving the U.S. for England and Pakistan. My addresses and telephone numbers there can be found on the first page of this writing. I am leaving the U.S. in deepest possible protest against ruining my career and life. I am going into exile. I will only return here if some channels of justice, humanity, decency, and authenticity are opened up. I cannot come back to the status quo of hypocrisy, injustice, perpetual destruction, self-righteous racism and discrimination covered up as meritocracy, and ultimate mechanical inhumanity parading itself as “civilization”.
1. Internal Revenue Service, Statistics of Income Bulletin, Spring 1990; Stephan Rose, The American Profile Poster; Who Owns What, Pantheon, New York, 1986, P. 31; Colorado Labor Advocates (AFL-CIO), February 20, 1987, p. 4; Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few, 6th Ed., St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1995, pp. 9-10.
2. The New York Times, May 18, 1992; Benjamin Page, Who gets What from Government, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1983, p.15.
3. The Chairman’s Report, Joint Economic Committee of the Congress, Washington, D.C., December 28, 1989, pp. 12-15; Background Material and Data on Programs within the Jurisdiction of the Committee of Ways and Means, Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1989; The New York Times, July 20, 1992; Lawrence Mishel and Jacqueline Simon, The State of Working America, Economic Policy Institute, Washington, D.C. 1988; Ramon McLeod, “Gulf Widening between Rich and Poor in U.S.,” San Francisco Chronicle, July 29, 1991; Isaac Shapiro, Selective Prosperity, Report by the Center of Budget and Policy Priorities, Washington, D.C., July 1991.
4. Paul Samuelson quoted in Sam Pizzigati, The Maximum Wage, Apex Press, New York, 1992.
5. Calculated from Census Bureau. P60-188, Table D-2, pp. D5-D7.
6. U.S. Census Bureau. PINC-08. Details of Earnings by Occupation and Race, 1991. Unpublished data.
7. U.S. Census Bureau. Household Wealth and Asset Ownership. 1991. P70-34, T.1, p. 2.
8. U.S. Census Bureau. Preliminary Release on Poverty for 1993. P 60-185, Table D-2, p. D-5. 9. Employment and Earnings. T. 39, p. 218, Jan. 1993.
10. Victor Perlo. Economics of Racism II: The Roots of Inequality, U.S.A. International Publishers Co., Inc., New York, 1996.
11. Employment and Earnings. T.11, pp. 175-176, Jan. 1995.
12. Statistical Abstracts of the United States. Black firms: respective censuses of minority business. All private firms. Tables, 850, 851, 855, pp. 532, 533, 535 for 1987. Similar tables in earlier issues for earlier years.
13. Business Statistic. 1961-88. Black employment: census of minority business, respective years private sector employment, p. 46. For Black labor force, see various publications of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S. Department of Labor.
14. Calculated from Census Bureau. P-60, No. 184, T. B-19, p. B-38.
15. Economic Report of the President. 1955.
16. John Roosevelt. Speech to Commonwealth Club of San Francisco. The New York Times. July 7, 1956.
17. Andrew Hacker. Two Nations. New York, p. 234, 1992.
18. EEOC. Higher Education State Information Report #EEO-6. Washington, D.C., GPO, 1993.
19. EEOC. Elementary Secondary Staff Information Report #EEO-5. Washington, D.C., GPO, 1993.
20. U.S. Census Bureau. P-60, No. 180, Table 29 and P-60, No. 85, T. 49.
21. Peter Kilborne. The New York Times. Nov. 26, 1994.
22. EEOC. Combined Annual Report, 1991-1992.
1. USDA Class Action Case #020077, EEOC Appeal #01A50945-Fazal Rahman, Ph.D., Class Agent V. Mike Johanns, Secretary of Agriculture
Fazal Rahman, Ph.D. May 2, 2005
This class action case was against the US Department of Agriculture (USDA), including all its various component sub-agencies, on behalf of all the minorities, in employment related matters, e.g. non-selection, non-promotion, discriminatory processing of cases, maltreatment, imposition of discriminatory and unjust settlement agreements, under-representation, especially in the higher level positions etc.
Initial contacts for filing this case were made during 1998. Various agency officials tried to block the filing of this case through various tactics, e.g., non-response, provision of erroneous information, giving run-arounds between various officials and offices etc. This went on for more than two years. Finally, I was forced to complain to the Office of Federal Operations (OFO) of EEOC. The complaint was assigned to Mr. Joseph Popiden, a Senior Attorney at OFO. It took even Mr. Popiden more than six months of repeated efforts to get the agency to initiate this case on November 17, 2001. At that time, it was forwarded to the EEOC Phoenix District Office, in un-counseled and unprocessed form.
Brief description of actions by the USDA and EEOC
The EEOC Administrative Judge (AJ) in Phoenix, Kurt C. Hodges, dismissed the case without addressing or adjudicating any of the numerous huge class issues, identified and listed by myself as well as the agency! He mentioned only one issue in his decision of May 23, 2002, that of the inclusion of waiver of prospective Title VII and employment rights in the settlement agreements, which is clearly illegal, unconstitutional, and against the EEOC’s own regulations. He did not even adjudicate that one issue, stating that it could only be adjudicated by the OFO. He did not even mention any of the other huge class issues, contained in the case file, in his decision. And yet, he dismissed the entire case! This was a shockingly irrational, unjust, and discriminatory action, on part of the AJ.
After the agency failed to issue its final decision within 40 days, as ordered by the AJ, I filed an appeal with the OFO-EEOC, after 2 months of his decision. The agency issued its final decision on September 18, 2002, 4 months after the AJ’s decision and 2 months after the appeal had already been filed with the OFO-EEOC. At that stage, agency’s final order should not have been accepted by the OFO. The OFO attorney, handling the appeal, not only accepted it at that unacceptable stage, but attributed contents to it that it did not have, in order to dismiss the above-mentioned issue of inclusion of the waiver of prospective Title VII and employment rights in the settlement agreements, without having to address or adjudicate it. The OFO attorney pretended that the issue had already been adjudicated by the AJ and the agency. As mentioned above, the AJ had deferred the adjudication to the OFO, and the agency, by fully implementing AJ’s decision, in its final decision, had also deferred the adjudication of this issue to the OFO. Neither the AJ nor the agency had addressed or adjudicated any of the specific issues of the case, including that of the above-mentioned settlements issue. This was a very bizarre fraud on part of the OFO attorney. The OFO decision, signed by its Director, was issued on October 30, 2003, 15 months after the appeal was filed. My request for reconsideration of that decision was denied by the Director of OFO. The OFO did acknowledge that the AJ had ignored many other class and individual issues of the case and these were remanded back to him. I had requested the OFO to assign those other issues to some other AJ, in view of his previous astoundingly irrational and discriminatory actions, but my request was ignored. I also requested the EEOC Inspector General to investigate these fraudulent and unjustifiable actions by the AJ and OFO but she refused to do so.
As expected, the same AJ, Mr. Hodges, again dismissed the case, citing clumsy, anti-factual, and anti-logical pretexts, as well as by resorting to blatant lies, in face of all the extensive evidence right in front of him, in the case file, and, again, omitted some of the most important issues of the case, from his second decision of August 25, 2004, just like he had done in his first decision of May 23, 2002. More importantly, he totally ignored a most important fraud committed by the agency, in relation to the very nature and composition of the Class, involved in this case, in spite of my submission of detailed information and analysis of this fraud to him. I have been informed by some officials of the EEOC that the AJ, Mr. Hodges, has now been transferred to Washington, DC. I have also been informed that, while here in Phoenix, Arizona, there were numerous complaints against him for similar discriminatory and irrational handling and processing of minorities’ civil rights and discrimination cases. The fraud consists of an effort to pretend that this Class Action case is only against one of the component sub-agencies of USDA, the Agricultural Research Service (ARS), and not against the USDA as a whole, inclusive of all of its various component sub-agencies. This case has been, and is, against the USDA, as a whole. This is indubitably clear in numerous documents of the case file. According to data contained in the USDA Civil Rights Action Team 1997 Report, Civil Rights at the US Department of Agriculture, USDA had 84,669 personnel on its workforce, while its sub-agency, ARS, had 6536. (P.110 and 109, respectively). There are thousands of minority employees among them, mostly concentrated in lower and/or temporary positions. This case is on behalf of all those minorities on USDA’s workforce, as a whole, with all its component sub-agencies, as well as those who attempted to join it but were prevented from doing so by various discriminatory practices, policies, and actions, identified and analyzed in various documents of the case file.
After prolonged, deliberate, and concerted efforts to first block the filing of this case and then to distort and falsify its nature by pretending that this case was only against one of the component sub-agencies of the USDA and not against the USDA as a whole, in response to my repeated requests for correction of this fundamentally important matter, the agency had finally corrected this problem and in its original letter to the Phoenix District Office of EEOC, dated November 29, 2001, signed by Larry Newell, Chief, Employment Complaints Division at the USDA, it had clearly stated this Class Action Case to be against the USDA. However, in its final order of September 18, 2002, the agency renewed that deliberate “error” and again stated that the case was filed only against one of its component sub-agencies, the ARS, in spite of all the abundant evidence and facts, to the contrary, in the case file. This fraud was reproduced by the Agency Representative, Mr. Rene Romain, who filed his Brief and Motion of August 5, 2004 to the AJ, on the basis of this deliberate and fundamental legal and technical error and cited statistics and discussed other matters only in relation to the ARS, and not the USDA as a whole, against which the case actually was.
I wrote to various officials of the USDA Office of Civil Rights (OCR), including Vernon Parker, Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights; Clyde Thompson, Associate Assistant Secretary; and Sadhna True, the Acting Director of OCR; as well as to the Chairperson of EEOC and Director of OFO, about this fraud. In my letter of February 21, 2005, I requested the USDA Inspector General to investigate this fraud. I received no response to my various contacts in this connection.
The above-mentioned Clyde Thompson, Associate Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights at USDA, repeated that fraud in his final decision of October 1, 2004, on behalf of the agency.
It is self-evident that this most important fraud and deliberate technical error, about the very nature of this case, have already distorted and deformed the very nature of this case, as well as of the whole process of processing and adjudication, rendering them erroneous, fraudulent, and illegal. The agency wasted more than five years in applying various tactics of deception, blockage, obstruction, and fraud in this important class action case. By doing so, just in this case, it has caused the waste of enormous public financial and human resources, in addition to inflicting severe damages to the Class and me personally, as the Class Agent.
In my Brief of EEOC appeal, involving this case, I have identified, listed, and analyzed many specific agency practices and policies, which have damaging and discriminatory effects on minorities and their cases. I can provide a copy of that Brief on request for details of these practices and policies. Here, I only wish to describe the general nature of two main categories of such practices and policies:
1. Built-in flaws, loopholes, and deficiencies in the policies and practices of selection and promotion of personnel that are detrimental to the minorities, minorities’ complaint processing, and other areas of EEO and civil rights.
2. Practices and policies, which are theoretically non-discriminatory, but are perverted into their opposites, i-e. discriminatory, in practice, by the decision-making officials of the agency, who are overwhelmingly White and are generally conditioned in the mass psychology and culture of discrimination, hypocrisy, and denial of reality. These officials apply these theoretically non-discriminatory policies and practices in discriminatory, unfair, and subjective ways, against the minorities.
2. Letter sent to the USDA and US Attorney’s Office
The following letter, which is self-explanatory, was sent on June 26, 2012 to Addy Schmitt, Assistant US Attorney, Civil Division, US Attorney’s Office, 555 Fourth Street, NW, Washington, DC 20530; Joe Leonard, Jr. Ph.D., Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, Office of the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, USDA, 1400 Independence Avenue, SW, Washington, DC 20250, Mail Stop 0115; and Tom Vilsack, Secretary of Agriculture, U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1400 Independence Ave., S.W., Washington, DC 20250. This letter briefly describes the discriminatory brutalization of my pro se case by the G. W. Bush appointed judge of the Federal District Court in the District of Columbia, John D. Bates, whose extremist discriminatory ruling of December 14, 2009 in Civil Case No. 1:06-cv-1283 (JDB)- http://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/district-of-columbia/dcdce/1:2006cv01283/121709/60 – forced me to once again sign a most damaging, unjust, and racist-discriminatory settlement agreement with the USDA in March 2010, which bars me from even applying for the Agency positions.
Ms. Addy Schmitt totally ignored the letter and did not respond at all. Only some lower level employees of the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights acknowledged the receipt of the letter and have given me run-arounds for about one and a half years now, forwarding the letter to one another. They have also given me no response. Tom Vilsack, the Secretary of Agriculture, did not respond at all.
Copy of the letter of June 26, 2012
I am a politically leftist Muslim US citizen of Asian origin. Currently, I am an interdisciplinary researcher and writer, with a vast background in social and biological sciences.
I hereby wish to inform you that I plan to publish an in-depth and comprehensive analysis of the racist and political discriminatory destruction of my career by the cross-institutional networks of the bureaucracies of the US Department of Agriculture (USDA), Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), US Department of Justice, and the G. W. Bush appointed judge of the Federal District Court in the District of Columbia, John D. Bates, whose extremist discriminatory ruling of December 14, 2009 in Civil Case No. 1:06-cv-1283 (JDB)- http://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/district-of-columbia/dcdce/1:2006cv01283/121709/60 – forced me to once again sign a most damaging, unjust, and racist-discriminatory settlement agreement with the USDA in March 2010, which bars me from even applying for the Agency positions. I intend to publish this on my web site, as well as in a law and other journals, and in a chapter in my comprehensive book on US political economy, economics and politics of racism, technocracy, culture, mass psychology, and human nature.
Even though, under the current administration, there have been personnel changes in areas that deal with the sinister reality and history of civil and employment rights of minorities, as well as loud claims of changes in policies and actions, all these amount to cosmetics and the reality of discrimination and civil rights violations continues unabated. A major cause of this is the Office of the General Counsel, in which the same old boys club-with frozen, brutal, conscienceless, and mechanistic psychologies- is applying the same dishonest and justice-and-truth-killing strategy and tactics that were applied throughout its previous history, with robotic consciencelessness, intoxicated arrogance, and self-evident dishonesty. Self-evident violations of the US Constitution and civil rights laws as well as irrefutably transparent lies, corruption, and dishonesty of the Agency’s personnel, documented statements, and positions etc. were most clearly documented in the federal court case. The above-mentioned Federal Court judge, John D. Bates, totally ignored all these and failed to address or adjudicate any of these. Instead, he maliciously mutilated and fragmented the holistic and inextricably intertwined issues of the case and ruled that he will not touch the most important basis and issues of the case, hence collaborating with the Agency in this regard and ruling that I did not have a standing to bring these issues before him, contradicting his own earlier ruling on this matter! This is the same judge who later used the same pretext to dismiss the case filed by the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) attorneys on behalf of Anwar Al-Awlaki, a US citizen, who was murdered by the US forces in Yemen. Judge Bates also dismissed the case filed by Valerie Plame against the government for blowing her CIA cover, because her husband had exposed the lies of the Bush administration on Saddam Hussain’s acquisitions of uranium from Niger. He used the pretext that his court did not have jurisdiction over the case, one of the same pretexts he used in my case, after initiating and positing of the question of federal courts’ jurisdiction to review the EEOC decisions and asking the parties to submit their replies. This was very strange on part of a judge to initiate and posit such a question.
The case was first filed in the US Federal District Court in Phoenix, Arizona, during 2005. The agency filed a motion that the court in Arizona did not have jurisdiction, as the USDA is headquartered in Washington, DC. That was a clumsy motion, as the USDA has offices in all the states and major cities, including Arizona. However, the judge granted the motion and transferred the case to Washington, DC, where it was assigned to Judge Bates in 2006. After adjudicating several motions of the defendant, in 2009, he initiated the above-mentioned question of jurisdiction and asked the parties to respond. Evidence of many precedents was presented to him, which clearly demonstrated that federal courts indeed have such jurisdiction. This is also clear from EEOC’s own regulations and final notice, in which complainants are informed of their right to file a case in a federal court against its decisions. Why would EEOC do that if the federal courts did not have such jurisdiction? Why would the resources and time of plaintiffs and courts be wasted, if the courts did not have such jurisdiction? Mr. Bates, however, ignored all the evidence presented to him in this regard, as well as all the logic and arguments, and ruled that his court did not have jurisdiction!
Even in countries that are notorious for their corrupt and unfair judicial systems, the higher courts, in such extreme instances, take suo moto notice of them and rectify such decisions. I had filed a pro se case, as I could not afford the exorbitant costs of the vulture attorneys in this country. The representatives of various classist and racist bureaucracies knew my financial weakness-the result of systematic and prolonged racist discriminatory destruction of my career in this country-and exploited it to the maximum.
Before becoming a judge, Mr. Bates was a US attorney at the same US Attorney’s Office in the District of Columbia that was handling the case on behalf of the USDA. As mentioned above, he was appointed by George W. Bush, an extremist Republican President. In view of his professional and political background-and mine as mentioned above, which was self-evident in documents of the case-it was certain that he would issue biased rulings and judgments. Therefore, he was requested to recuse himself from the case. However, he refused to do so, as he was determined to harm my interests, as my leftist political views were transparent in my documents and analyses.
The USDA destroyed my career over a prolonged period of time, starting in 1986. Since then, I filed numerous cases of discrimination and violations of civil and employment rights, against it, (Cases #020077, 880830, 881129, 881012, 900608 etc.), resulting in three different destructive, unjust, and discriminatory settlement agreements, which I was forced to sign because of my damaged and weakened financial and professional situation in this extremist capitalist-imperialist and racist country.
A most demonic travesty of justice-as well as of logic, rationality, evidence, and facts-has been committed by cross-institutional networks of clones against my life and career in this country. Among other things, it shows the impossibility of justice for Muslim minority citizens, like me, in this era of systematic demonization of Muslims in this country.
It is my duty to document, analyze, and expose the highly institutionalized and collaborative political and racist discriminatory injustice inflicted on me by the powerful cross-institutional bureaucracies of USDA, EEOC, USDOJ, and the federal court system in this country, and also to show that such injustice is prevalent, common, and of a general nature, inherent in the system itself, in which clone-like, mechanistic, and cross-institutional official subjectivities are not only, subjectively and biasedly, preventing, corrupting, and destroying justice, truth, and facts, but also the laws and constitution-and their spirit and meanings- of this country. In the book, my own case will be one of the specific examples of a much larger study which will demonstrate the determining effects of the deformations and mutilations in the philosophical and politico-economic foundations of the system on the human nature, mass psychology, culture, and all the various institutions of society, including those of the legal and administrative systems.
To begin with, I intend to publish my revised 1999 report on the nature and prevalence of multidimensional discrimination in the USDA, other agricultural and scientific institutions, and EEOC, which has been updated. Copies of that report were sent to the USDA and EEOC in 2000, which should be in their records.
It is a waste of time, intellect, spirit, and resources to file administrative or judicial cases in the thoroughly rigged and mechanistic cross-institutional system of intoxicated and discriminatory injustice and the culture of money and things worshipping in this country. I had to learn this the hard way. Hence, I will waste no more time in filing any such cases. However, I will continue to struggle and fight, politically and intellectually, against this system and its perpetrators, as long as I am alive. I am now planning to move to another country soon, where such problems are not this extreme and where Homo sapiens has not turned into Homo dollarus.
I request that you send me a written consent for my above-mentioned planned publications. If you have any objections on this matter, please inform me in writing and also of the reasons for them. I believe that these publications will be covered by the First Amendment of the US Constitution and will also be in the public interest to know what it’s supposed servants-paid from the public resources-are actually doing in practice, across the board.
I will look forward to receiving your response as soon as possible.
Fazal Rahman, Ph.D.
3. Copy of the Federal District Court case filed in Arizona on September 27, 2005. It was later transferred to Washington, D.C., as a result of the motion of US attorneys, representing the USDA.
The discriminatory brutalization of my pro se case by the G. W. Bush appointed judge of the Federal District Court in the District of Columbia, John D. Bates, in his extremist discriminatory ruling of December 14, 2009, in Civil Case No. 1:06-cv-1283 (JDB)- http://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/district-of-columbia/dcdce/1:2006cv01283/121709/60 – forced me to once again sign a most damaging, unjust, and racist-discriminatory settlement agreement with the USDA in March 2010, which bars me from even applying for the Agency positions.
My address, email address, and phone numbers in this document are old and have changed.
Fazal Rahman, Ph.D.
P. O. Box 1422
Glendale, AZ 85311
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF ARIZONA
Fazal Rahman )
) COMPLAINT: Corrupt, unfair,
) unreasonable, inadequate, and
) classist-racist-elitist settlement
Vs. ) agreement of US Department of
) Agriculture Asian/Pacific Islander
) Class Action Case #000190, EEOC
) #01A10660 (Arun Basu et. al.).
MIKE JOHANNS )
SECRETARY, U.S. DEPARTMENT )
OF AGRICULTURE, )
On June 28, 2005, the Office of Federal Operations (OFO) of US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), rejected my request for reconsideration (#05A50872) of its decision on my appeal #01A52527 against EEOC Administrative Judge’s (AJ’s) approval of the Settlement Agreement of the Asian/Pacific Islander Class Action Case #000190, against the US Department of Agriculture USDA (Exhibit 1, EEOC-AJ’s decision). The OFO-EEOC issued the Right to Sue on the same date, stating that I had the right to sue in a federal court within 90 days of the receipt of their decision and that it would be assumed that I received their decision in 5 days after it was mailed to me on June 28, 2005 (Exhibit 2). The case is being filed within those time limits.
This case is being filed against the classist, racist, and elitist settlement agreement of the USDA Asian/Pacific Islander Class Action Case #000190, EEOC #01A10660 (Exhibit 3, Notice of Settlement), which is extremely corrupt, unreasonable, inadequate, and unfair to overwhelming majority of the class members. According to the information provided by the Agency, four appeals were filed with the EEOC against that settlement agreement, including my own (EEOC Appeal #01A52527 (Exhibit 4), Reconsideration Request #05A50872, Exhibit 5). Prior to filing the appeal with the OFO, I had submitted a detailed request to the AJ to vacate the proposed settlement agreement. In that request, I identified and analyzed many of the most important legal, factual, and logical problems and issues of the settlement agreement (Exhibit 6). The AJ totally ignored the contents of my request and excluded any mention of them in his decision (Exhibit 1). The OFO dismissed all of the four appeals and upheld the approval of the irrational, corrupt, omissive, and illegal settlement agreement by the AJ (Exhibit 7, dismissal of my Appeal #01A52527, Exhibit 4). I have not had access to the contents of the other three appeals or the EEOC’s decisions on them. However, in case of my own appeal, the EEOC has acted with extreme injustice, irrationality, consciencelessness, intellectual-spiritual atrophy, and illegality. It issued its decisions without addressing any of the many huge class and individual issues that I identified and analyzed-with a great deal of intellectual labor-in the various documents, submitted to it and the Agency.
This case is proposed to be directed towards addressing the two main following categories of issues:
I. Class issues.
II. Individual issues
I. The Class Issues:
A. Parties’ change of definition of the class from the original OFO definition:
The most important class issue of this case involves the Parties’ change of the definition of the Asian/Pacific American Class from its original EEOC’s Office of Federal Operation (OFO) definition.
The OFO-EEOC had certified the class as, “All Asian/Pacific employees of the agency who were eligible for but have not received promotions and all Asian/Pacific persons who have applied for positions with the agency but have not been selected.” (Exhibit 3, p. 1).
In the Settlement Agreement, the above OFO-EEOC certification and definition of the Class has been changed to, “All current Asian/Pacific Islander employees at the GS-7 level and above who were eligible for but have not received promotions and all Asian/Pacific Islander current employees who were eligible for and have applied for positions with the Department but have not been selected.” (Exhibit 3, p. 2).
The Parties have repeated their changed definition of the class in various documents, submitted to the EEOC.
I have identified and analyzed this most important issue in the documents submitted to the AJ and to the OFO, in connection with this appeal, Request to vacate the proposed Settlement Agreement….., (Exhibit 6), and Appeal against the Administrative Judge’s (AJ’s) decision……, (Exhibit 4). In those documents, I had analyzed the nature and effects of this change of definition of the class, on a major part of the class, which would be excluded from the class-even though they are a structural component of the Asian/Pacific American Class-as following:
“This change in the very definition of the Asian/Pacific Class is a transparently hideous and malicious effort to exclude those Asian/Pacific persons who are not current employees of the agency from any relief and to restrict the relief only to the current employees of the agency. There were numerous highly qualified and eligible Asian/Pacific persons, who are not current employees of the agency, who applied for the agency positions and were not selected because of the all-pervasive environment and mass psychology of discrimination and hypocrisy in the agency. The change of definition of the Class in the proposed settlement agreement, from the original certification and definition of OFO-EEOC, aims to exclude and deprive that important part of the class totally and absurdly from any consideration or relief! I am a former Asian employee of the Agency. My individual case of employment discrimination, (USDA #010538), has been held in abeyance for more than three years now because of this class action case as I was considered a potential member of the Asian/Pacific Class. If this change of definition of the Asian/Pacific Class of the proposed settlement agreement is allowed to stand, I will be denied the status of being a member of that class as well as any relief whatsoever, after holding my cases in abeyance for more than three years, on the basis of this class action case and the fact that I am an Asian-American! In effect, this manipulation of the definition of the Class shamelessly, mindlessly, consciencelessly, and illegally asserts that those Asian/Pacific persons, who are not current employees of the agency, and who were qualified and eligible for agency positions, for which they applied and were not selected, are not equally protected with the current Asian/Pacific employees of the agency, under the Title VII and other civil rights acts and laws, and that it was OK to discriminate against them and cause damages to their lives and careers, with impunity! This is a self-evidently grotesque, irrational, unjust, and discriminatory position. In agreeing to this blatant violation of all justice, logic, fairness, equal opportunity, and civil rights of a major part of the Asian/Pacific Class, the few Class Agents exhibited complete absence of any principles and pounced on the personal rewards offered to them on the expense of majority of rest of the Class members, with shameless opportunism. In plain language, this is called bribery. However, in the post-Orwellian institutions like the USDA, such practices are routine and are considered smart. In reality, these are extremely sick, idiotic, and corrupt, reflecting the underlying mass psychology of the officials who design, apply, and engage in them. And they are rewarded for such practices and actions by the Agency!” (Exhibit 4, p.2).
In their Joint responses (Exhibits 8 and 9), the Parties have totally failed to address the real, central, and precisely identified and stated issue of the illegality and unconstitutionality of the particular change of class definition, from its original OFO definition, in the particular Settlement Agreement, involved in this appeal and reconsideration request. They have also completely failed to refute any of the specific arguments, in relation to that matter, contained in my Reconsideration request and other documents. Instead, they have pathetically resorted to deceptive and misleading generalizations in relation to narrowing or amending the various classes in general. I have no argument with amending or narrowing the classes in general, if such narrowing and amendment is in compliance with the equal protection and other provisions and meanings of the laws. As analyzed on pages 2 and 3 of my Reconsideration request, as well as above, the main issue involved in the Reconsideration Request consists of the particular change of the definition of the Class, in this particular Settlement Agreement, in which the Class was hatcheted into current employee Asian/Pacific Islander job applicants, on the one hand, and non-employee, former-employee Asian/Pacific Islander job applicants, on the other-denying the Class status and equal protection of laws to the latter, while granting these to the former-involving the same time period and the same agency. This particular hatcheting of the Asian/Pacific Islander Class, in this particular Settlement Agreement, is, self-evidently, in violation of the equal protection and other provisions and meanings of the laws. This is the real and precise nature of the main issue involved in the Reconsideration request. If the Parties had amended and narrowed the Class to only include the current Asian/Pacific Islander employees, who were eligible for promotions but were not promoted, the amendment and change of definition would not have been in violation of the equal protection clauses and provisions of the Title VII and other laws, and I would not have had any objection to that. But once they included the category of job applicants in the Class, to be in compliance with the law, they must include the non-employee, former-employee Asian/Pacific Islander job applicants in the Class, in addition to the current employee Asian/Pacific Islander job applicants.
As is self-evident, the correct, rational, and just adjudication of this matter is not only important for the Asian/Pacific Islander Class, but for all the minorities, in similar class action cases, as well as those in which the individual cases are closely intertwined with those of the class. Who can dispute the fact that an incorrect and unjust Commission decision, like that contained in its decision on the appeal, will have powerful and substantial impact on the policies, practices, and operations of the Agency-except the Agency and Class Representatives, who are addicted to disputing the apodictic, because they have confidence in their impunity and the complacency and collaboration of the EEOC. On page 6 of their absurdist Joint response, they even deny the fact that I argued and pointed out the powerful substantial impact of the Commission’s decision on the policies, practices, and operations of the Agency (mentioned above and contained on pages 4 and 5 of my Reconsideration Request, Exhibit 5)!!!
“In summary, in the proposed settlement agreement, a few Class Agents have been offered incomparably greater substantial, monetary, and professional relief than rest of the class. As far as rest of the Asian/Pacific Class is concerned, it has been absurdly and discriminatorily divided into the current employees of the Agency and those who are not current employees. The current employees have been offered insultingly and incomparably lower monetary and professional relief relative to the few Class Agents. No self-respecting Asian/Pacific current employee is likely to accept such a humiliating and unjust offer. The Asian/Pacific persons, who are not current employees of the Agency and who applied for various Agency positions for which they were eligible and qualified but were not selected, have been dealt the absolute injustice, unfairness, and discrimination by wiping them out even as members of Asian/Pacific Class in the proposed settlement agreement, denying their very existence on paper and implying that they are not protected equally with the current employees, under Title VII and other civil rights laws. In fact, the logical deduction of this absurd change in the definition of Asian/Pacific Class and the derivative settlement agreement position denies any Title VII and civil rights protection to this category of Asian/Pacific persons. It is also relevant to point out that majority of the Asian/Pacific persons who applied for the Agency positions, for which they were eligible and qualified but were not selected, are likely not to be the current employees of the Agency. Such current employees are likely to be much less in number” (Exhibit 4, p.6-7).
Undoubtedly there were many hundreds of Asian/Pacific Americans who are not current employees of the agency, who applied for the agency positions, for which they were qualified and eligible, but were not selected because of the demonically self-righteous and widespread discrimination, racism, and hypocrisy in the agency, in the areas of civil rights and equal employment opportunity. This part of the Asian/Pacific Americans will be henceforth referred to as the “excluded section of Asian/Pacific Americans”. Most of them did not file cases of discrimination, as they probably know how useless it is to do so in the ultra-Orwellian organizations, like the USDA. For overwhelming majority of the victims, it is a demonic waste of their time, efforts, and resources. In regards to this important and major section of the Asian/Pacific American Class, the following questions need to be answered, before any claim to the legality, constitutionality, fairness, adequacy, or reasonableness of the Settlement Agreement can be made:
1. Is this section of Asian/Pacific Americans included in Asian/Pacific American Class of the Settlement Agreement, in which, as described above and elsewhere, the Parties have changed the original OFO definition of this Class?
2. Has this section of Asian/Pacific Americans been given equal protection with the current Asian/Pacific American employees of the agency, in accordance with Title VII and other civil rights and equal employment opportunity acts and laws, in the Settlement Agreement?
3. Are members of this section of Asian/Pacific Americans entitled to the full range of remedies and other measures of the Settlement Agreement, to which the current employee Asian/Pacific Americans are entitled?
The answer to all the above three crucially important questions-in regards to the legality, constitutionality, fairness, adequacy, and reasonableness of the Settlement Agreement-is NO. The assertion of the Parties that the Settlement Agreement is fair, adequate, and reasonable, is proven absurd, just on this account. This assertion has no basis in facts. On the contrary, the actual facts, in this regard, demonstrate the opposite.
In their Joint Statement…. of March 11, 2005 (Exhibit 8), the Parties have attempted to muddy the waters on this most important issue and made statements, which contradict some of the contents of the Settlement Agreement and AJ’s decision (for example, see their contradictory utterings on pages 7 and 8). What they are asserting does not make any logical or factual sense, if one reads their assertions, in this regard, in the light of the actual contents of the Settlement Agreement and the AJ’s approval decision. They have even omitted the changed definition of the Class of the Settlement Agreement, from their Joint Statement. Now they are saying that people like myself, who are not current employees of the agency, are not excluded from the Class and from the relief, and that the AJ’s decision has not excluded them from the Class. The AJ did not restore the original OFO definition of the Class in his decision, even though I had made an in-depth analysis of this issue, in the documents submitted to him, and emphatically requested him to restore the OFO definition. On page 2 of his decision, he quoted the OFO definition but did not deal with the issue of the Parties’ change of that definition, in the Settlement Agreement, at all. Moreover, on the same page, he stated that he had granted approval to that Agreement and that notices were sent to all the current Asian/Pacific Islander employees of the agency, “who fell under the Class definition”. He made no mention of such notices also being sent to the excluded section of Asian/Pacific Americans, who are not current employees of the agency. It is totally clear from his statements that he had approved the Agreement in its totality, including the change of the definition of the Class by the Parties. On page 10, under note 7, he states that Dr. Yee was the only Class Member who objected to the fact that such relief was not specified. He totally ignored the fact that I had also brought the non-dissemination of the exhibits, containing this information, to the class members, to his attention (see Enc. 1 and 2, copies of my letters of March 6, 2004, to him and Arlean Leland, the Agency Representative at that time). Moreover, I had strongly and specifically objected to the non-disclosure of the specifics of such relief, on page 5 of Request to vacate….(Exhibit 6). He also totally ignored all my detailed identification and analyses of various issues and problems of the Settlement Agreement. In his classist and discriminatory decision, he acted as if only a few relatively well-off Class Agents-who are current employees of the agency, in relatively higher level positions-mattered and were of any value or importance. Throughout his decision, he has only discussed the matters pertaining to the current Asian/Pacific Islander employees of the agency, ignoring and rationalizing the damaging effects of this unfair, corrupt and discriminatory Agreement on overwhelming majority of them, and upholding the rewarding of corruptibility of the few Class Agents and their representatives. That is the essence of his decision (Exhibit 1).
Even though the issue of the excluded section of Asian/ Pacific Americans is the most important problem of the Asian/Pacific American Class, with this Settlement Agreement, there are many other important issues and problems as well, which are identified in Exhibits 4,6, and 10, and analyzed more precisely, both quantitatively and qualitatively, in the following analysis.
B. Disparate, unfair, unreasonable, inadequate, corrupt, and corrupting distribution of monetary and professional relief:
1. Distribution of monetary relief:
The following tables and analysis have been compiled from data and information contained in the Parties’ Joint motion for approval of settlement agreement (Exhibit 11, p.3,7) and AJ’s Decision granting final approval of settlement agreement (Exhibit 1, pp.4-6,12).
Total monetary relief: $1,700,000 (p.12, AJ’s decision).
Table 1. Tier One (Class Agents) 6
Damages Numerical % Relief
of Class %
1. Arun Basu $98,219 $200,000 $298,219 0.05 18 18
2. Bhabani Dey $46,000 $50,000 $96,000
3. Mon Yee $68,154 $50,000 $118,154
4. Krishna Murthy $40,000 $40,000
5. Hyder Lakhani $40,000 $40,000
6. Parmesh Saini $40,000 $40,000
Attorneys’ fees for 6 Class Agents $350,000
Total for 6 Class Agents, including $982,373 0.3 58 Attorneys’ fees
Numerical percentage of 6 Class Agents in the Class is calculated from the total number of Class Members on page 4 of Parties Joint motion for approval of settlement agreement (Exhibit 11). There are two figures given there, 2,100 and 2,030. Here the lower figure is being used. The percentage of 6 Class Agents from 2,030 Class Members is 0.3 percent of the total. All the numbers in these calculations are being rounded off to their closest whole numbers. Percentage of share of 6 Class agents in the monetary relief=$982,373 out of 1,700,000=58 percent.
These 6 Class Agents are the only ones, from a total of 2,030 Class Members, who were given such monetary, as well as additional professional, relief. This constitutes disparate treatment of various groups within the same Class. Undoubtedly, there were numerous other Class Members, who had similar cases and experiences and similar damages. I am one of them. My cases of employment discrimination (USDA #010538) have been held in abeyance, for more than four years now, because of this class action case. I also suffered previous severe discriminatory damages to my career by the agency officials. In spite of all this information in my case files at the agency, they placed me in Tier Three. Obviously, I am not the only Asian/Pacific American, who suffered the consequences of this disparate treatment. There were numerous others too. Some of them may not have filed formal complaints, but they still deserved equal and uniform categories of relief. The criteria and categories of monetary and professional relief were applied disparately between the 6 Class Agents on the one hand and 2,024 Class Members, on the other. If this had been done between different racial groups, there would have been an uproar and it would have been categorically declared unacceptable, discriminatory, and unfair. It is also unacceptable, discriminatory, and unfair, when it is done within the same racial category. Moreover, Asian/Pacific Islander racial category is very artificial. In reality, it includes numerous very diverse races and nationalities. Most of the Class Agents in Tier One are of Indian origin. Obviously, they know each other and, together with the agency officials, designed and implemented the contents of the Agreement. It is a fundamental principle and concept of both civil and criminal justice that justice is applied uniformly for the same categories of cases. The whole legal system is built on that foundation. For the same categories of damages, the victims receive the same categories of compensation. For the same categories of crimes, the criminals get the same categories of punishments. This fundamental principle of justice is also fundamental in the areas of civil rights and equal employment opportunity laws. The agency is dead wrong in violating this fundamental principle of justice in the Settlement Agreement of this Asian/Pacific Islander Class Action Case, no matter how it distorts and manipulates the facts and words and their meanings. For example, it was totally unfair and disparate treatment of the Class-divided into various tiers, subjectively and irrationally, by the Parties-and in violation of the above fundamental principle, to award the compensatory damages to only a few of the Class Agents and exclude thousands of Class Members from this category of relief. Indubitably, the damages, for which such compensatory relief was provided to a few Class Agents, were not limited to them alone. There were numerous other Class Members who suffered similar or worse damages. But the Parties excluded thousands of Class Members from any such consideration. Their cases, both formally filed as well as non-filed, should have been investigated to determine who and how many were eligible to receive such compensatory relief. The same is true for the other categories of relief. The Parties did not apply any uniform standards and criteria in any category of relief. Instead, they conspired to apply an extreme degree of disparate treatment to the Class, awarding almost all the monetary and professional relief to a few Class Agents and excluding overwhelming majority of the Class from any such relief. USDA is a publicly funded organization. It is not their private resources that they are dispensing, as they please. They should be held more accountable than private organizations to ensure that the public resources are not squandered unjustly, illegally, corruptly and unethically, like, for appeasing a few Class Agents and their attorneys, on expense of rest of the Class, for settling the Class Case.
The AJ did not identify or address this fundamentally important legal and constitutional issue of disparate distribution and allocation of monetary and professional relief, for the same categories of damages, among different Class Members and Tiers, fabricated, arbitrarily, unfairly, irrationally, and conspiratorially, by the Parties. He makes no distinction between relief in general and its components or categories. He claims that the Class Agents were entitled to more relief. To begin with, it is not just more monetary and professional relief than that of thousands of Class members- the Class Agents got almost all of it! He has distorted the facts by using erroneous rationalizations. When certain categories of relief are awarded to a few Class Agents but totally denied to overwhelming majority of the Class, it is not a question of more or less of that category of relief, it is a matter of presence or absence of that category. In the above example, compensatory category of relief was totally absent for all the Class Members but was made available to a few Class Agents. This is totally in violation of the above-mentioned fundamental principle and concept of justice. It might be argued that lump sum payments of $5,000 each to 28 Class Members of Tier Three include all the various categories of relief. But that is absurd. For example, my case of employment discrimination, USDA Case #010538, involved positions, for which just the back pay for the last four years, in which it was held in abeyance, amounts to more than $400,000. I was put in Tier Three and entitled to a total of $5,000 relief. How could that include the back pay, compensatory damages etc.?
Tier Two (22 Class Agents)
Twenty-two Class Agents in Tier Two are to receive a total of $372,500. Five of them will also receive attorneys’ fees up to $25,000 each, while two others will receive full attorneys’ fees (not specified).
Total relief for 22 Class Agents: $372,500+$125,000 (Attorneys’ fees for 5) +$60,000 (estimated attorneys’ fees for 2) = $557,500.
Numerical percentage of the class for 22 Class Agents: 22 out of 2,030= 1 percent.
Percentage share of 22 Class Agents in the monetary relief: $557,500 out of 1,700,000= 33 percent.
Tier Three (30 class members)
Twenty eight Class members in Tier Three will receive $5,000 each, in exchange for dropping their administrative level cases. Two, with cases in the courts, will receive $7,500 each plus the attorneys’ fees, in exchange for withdrawing their cases.
Monetary relief for 30 Class Members: 28 x $5000= $140,000+2 x $7,500= $15,000=$155,000. As attorneys’ fees are not specified for the two Class Members, whose cases are in courts, these are assumed to be part of the remainder of the monetary relief, i-e., $160,127.
Monetary relief for 30 Class Members: $160,127.
Percentage share of 30 Class Members in the monetary relief: $160,127 out of $1,700,000= 9 percent.
Numerical percentage of the Class for 30 Class Members: 30 out of 2,030=1.5 percent.
Tier Four (1,972 Class Members)
Monetary relief for 1,972 Class Members: None.
Numerical percentage of the Class for 1,972 Class Members: 1,972 out of 2,030= More than 97 percent.
If Class Members in Tier Four did not file cases of discrimination, it does not mean that they were not subjected to it. Most people do not have any faith in the system of processing and adjudication of civil rights and EEO cases and therefore do not file such complaints. With good reason, they consider it a waste of time and effort. Employees are also concerned about reprisals.
Table 2. Monetary Relief for Tiers One, Two, Three, and Four
No. of % of Class Amount in $ % of total relief
Tier One 6 0.3 $982,373 58
Tier Two 22 1.0 $557,500 33
Tier Three 30 1.5 $160,127 9
Tier Four 1,972 97.2 0 0
Totals 2,030 100 $1,700,000 100
+ 28 1.3 $1,539,873 91
As can be seen from the above table, Tiers One and Two, consisting of 28 Class Agents, comprising 1.3 percent of the Class, are allocated $1,539,873, 91 percent of the total for monetary category of the relief, while Tier One, consisting of only 6 Class Agents, comprising 0.3 percent of the Class, has been given $982,373, 58 percent of this relief category! As shown in the previous table, one Class Agent Arun Basu, has been given $298,219, 18 percent of the total monetary relief for the Class. They have not specified his attorneys’ fees but a rough estimate is $100,000 or more. Add this to his personal share of the monetary relief, and you get the figure of $398,000, more than 23 percent, almost a quarter, of the total monetary relief of $1,700,000 for the whole Class of 2,030 Class Members, being allocated to just one person!!! And yet, the Parties’ representatives can call such a distribution of relief “fair”, “reasonable”, and “adequate”, with a straight face, without bating an eye! They deserve special recognition for their extraordinary and very special courage.
It is relevant to mention that all these figures are from the data based on the changed definition of the Class by the Parties. If the data were based on the original EEOC-OFO definition, and the excluded section of Asian/Pacific Americans was included in the Class, these figures would show even greater unfairness, unreasonableness, inadequacy, injustice, and greed.
According to the Agreement, only the 6 Class Agents in Tier One would be given promotions, some retroactively, and leadership training. These will also result in future monetary advantages, which will amount to millions of dollars. Hence, the real present and future monetary relief for these 6 Class Agents is even much greater than the above-cited data.
2. Professional relief:
As stated above, only 6 Class Agents in Tier One received professional relief, in the form of promotions and leadership training.
In the so-called Injunctive Relief, Class Agents are to be given priority in the Developmental Opportunity Placement Program (DOPP), which involves temporary reassignments of various types. These will be of very little practical use to anyone. Inclusion of thirty-six graduate scholarships, in certain sub-agencies of USDA, in the Settlement Agreement, is deceptive as these are not limited to the Asian/Pacific Islander applicants (p. 5, Joint motion for approval of settlement agreement, Exhibit 11). On page 4 of his decision (Exhibit 1), the AJ mentions the 36 scholarships for graduate school program, as if these were solely for the Asian/Pacific Americans. He omits the important fact that Asian/Pacific Americans are only one of the groups eligible for these scholarships. It is very likely that such a scholarship program was already in the works at the agency and it was included in the Settlement Agreement to divert attention from the unfair and corrupt distribution of monetary and professional relief of the Agreement. Other parts of the Injunctive Relief, e.g., job fair, reviews of Affirmative Employment Plans, training etc., will produce very little, if any, real improvements for the Class. These have been included in various settlement agreements of civil rights cases, in the past, without resulting in any progress. Instead, the civil rights and equal employment opportunity situation in the USDA has been getting worse and worse. This is because of the insincerity of agency officials as well as the built-in flaws in the system for implementation of such reforms. As a whole, the Injunctive Relief is a diversion from the incredible injustice, unfairness, inequality, and greed, involved in the real monetary and professional relief, as analyzed and exposed above. Injunctive Relief will be practically useless to the overwhelming majority of the Class Members. Excluded section of the Asian/Pacific Americans, who are not current employees of the agency, like myself, will have no access to the Injunctive Relief. The Parties have created total confusion on the question of who is defined and considered to be a Class Member. According to the changed definition of the Class by the Parties, technically, Asian/Pacific Americans, like myself, who are not current employees of the agency, are not defined as members of that Class and are excluded from it. But, now, in their Joint Statement, they are making contradictory, confused, and confusing statements, stating that I am not excluded from the Class, that I am a Class Member, and that I am entitled to monetary relief of Tier Three, in which they put me so shamelessly. If that is true, then why have I not been treated as a full member of the Class, like the current employees? Why, in spite of my such higher level qualifications and experience, numerous cases of discrimination against the agency over the past twenty years, and long struggle for civil rights and equal opportunity in the agency, they placed me in Tier Three instead of Tier One? And why have I been excluded from Injunctive Relief, DOPP, and other such programs? Why was Exhibit A not sent to me, which was to be used for acceptance or rejection of the offer of relief, in spite of my reminders? They have made a complete mess of the Settlement Agreement and its application. The terminology of “potential” Class Members is also totally confusing, as it has been deliberately left undefined, vague and ambiguous.
II. Individual issues
After I received the first notification of the agency about this Settlement Agreement, dated February 17, 2004 (Exhibit 3), in my letter of March 15, 2004 to the AJ (Enc. 3), copies of which were also sent to the Agency and Class Representatives, I had requested to become a Named Class Member and indicated that I wished to intervene on behalf of the Class. No action was taken on that request and I received no response. If my request had been granted, I would have pursued these most important issues and problems, on behalf of the class, and attempted to resolve them. However, the Parties were determined to keep these issues and problems under the rug, burry their heads in the sand, and hoped that these would be annihilated just by their ignoring them. They were wrong. At least, I have kept them-and their contents of justice, truth, and goodness-alive.
Here, it is necessary to discuss some of my individual issues, which are closely intertwined with those of the Class. I had applied for two agency positions during 2000, Agricultural Administrator, ARS-X1W-1040 (GS-15) and Associate Deputy Administrator, ARS-SES-00-12. Both of these are higher-level agency positions. Minorities’ representation on these levels in the agency is extremely low. I was not even considered for one of these positions and they selected applicants only from the non-competitive lists of candidates, i.e., from the current employees of the agency, for both positions. As almost all the current employees in these higher level positions in the agency are Whites, with European national origins, this is one of the methods used by the agency officials to maintain the extreme monopoly of Whites on higher level positions. I filed a case of employment discrimination in 2000, USDA Case #010538, which has been held in abeyance, for 4 years now, after I requested a final decision by the agency, because I was considered a “potential” member of the Asian/Pacific American Class, involved in this appeal. I have held much higher-level positions in the administration and research and development in some other countries, e.g., Brazil and Zambia, Africa. In Brazil, I was the Director of Grain Legume Program for the whole vast Amazonian territory, while in Zambia, I was the Director of National Tree Improvement Research Center. These positions are of much higher level than those of any of the Class Agents of this Asian/Pacific American Class Action Case. It is very unlikely that any of the Class Agents can even come close to the diversity of my interdisciplinary background in agricultural, biological, and social sciences or my international and intercultural experience and knowledge of languages. I have working knowledge of seven different languages. And yet, the Parties placed me in Tier Three, which involves monetary relief of only $5000, in exchange for dropping the case!!! Just the back pay for either of the above positions in my Case #010538 would amount to more than $400,000. And yet, on page 10 of their Joint motion for approval of settlement agreement (Exhibit 11) of November 14, 2003, the Parties state, “According to the current case law, both parties contend that the Settlement Agreement meets the fair and reasonable standard as articulated in 29 C.F.R. 1614.204 because every potential Class Member is included in the proposed agreement and the terms of the proposed agreement reflect the relief that a Class Member may have received if successful at hearing, with some negotiated compromise.” The assertions of the Parties, in this connection, could not be any farther from the truth and facts. AJ’s acceptance and approval of such false and fictitious assertions are further proofs of his almost total complacency with the Parties’ lies, unfairness, unreasonableness, and classist-racist-elitist corruption. The Parties were so blinded and overwhelmed by their greed that they even violated their own classist criteria by placing a Class Member of my qualifications and experience in Tier Three, instead of Tier One. How many more did they subject to this kind of insult?
On page 11 of the Joint motion for approval of settlement agreement (Exhibit 11), Parties attempt to rationalize the extremely unequal and unfair distribution of monetary and professional relief, between the 28 Class Agents on the one hand and 2002 Class members on the other, by stating that the Class Agents had filed several complaints over the years for non-selection/non-promotion and had carried out efforts for almost ten years. This Asian/Pacific Islander case was filed in 1999, about six years ago. Perhaps the Parties are referring to the civil rights and equal opportunity activities of the Class Agents, as individuals, prior to the filing of this case. I have a much longer record of filing such cases, as well as other civil rights and equal opportunity activities, in the agency, starting in 1985. In reprisal, the agency ruined my career by imposing an extremely coercive and racist-discriminatory settlement agreement on me, in 1991, taking demonic advantage of a very difficult period of my life, when my old mother was very ill and I was going through divorce. That agreement included a clause, which contained waiver of prospective Title VII and employment rights, in violation of civil rights laws and regulations as well as the constitution. Subsequently, no one in the agency has had even a trace of professionalism; conscience; or concern for fairness, justice, civil rights, and equal employment opportunity; to rectify the demonic consequences and effects of that coercive and destructive settlement agreement on my life and career, even though I have tried to bring it to the attention of successive leaderships in the agency. None of the Class Agents, involved in this appeal, have had to go through what I did. And they placed me in Tier Three!!! Instead of rectifying the severe damages, already inflicted on my career and life, they are adding more and depriving me of all fair, equal, and legitimate relief that I am entitled to in this Asian/Pacific American Class Action Case. What is wrong with the human nature of these people? Are they humans or demons? In modern societies, the “human nature” of a lot of “humans” is being literally transformed into demonic and it is victimizing and persecuting whatever is left of the real human nature. For such demonified human nature, nothing is sacred. It has little regard for truth, justice, goodness, beauty, concepts, ideas, spirit, and intellect. It worships money and things. It is either drowned in money and things or in the fantasies about them. It operates entirely on that basis. That is what one is dealing with in the post-Orwellian organizations like the USDA.
Above, I have described my individual subjection to various injustices to try to illustrate and illuminate such facts in general, which are relevant to the Class as a whole. By describing these, I am not asking or expecting any pity or favors. I know that there are a great number of victims of such injustices of the agency. However, I do not know the actual details of their experiences. Otherwise, I would have described them as well. All these are important data and information in such cases and therefore their inclusion in such analyses is important.
The whole attitude of agency officials towards the Asian/Pacific American Class in this case has been totally condescending, deceptive, exploitative, manipulative, corrupt, and corrupting. That should be self-evident from the above analysis and data. Some years ago, in a truly fair, adequate, and reasonable settlement of a class action case by the Black farmers, the agency paid them $1 billion for years of discriminatory damages. Asian/Pacific Americans have suffered similar types, if not forms, of damages by the agency. And yet, the agency has tried to wiggle itself out of their class action case, by offering them peanuts, a total of $1.7 million, almost all of it given to the few Class Agents, bribing and corrupting them and rewarding them for their corruptibility, as documented above, and giving pacifiers to rest of the Class, the overwhelming majority. This is disgracing and desecrating the Asian/Pacific Americans. In My Doc.1 and 2, I had cited the extensive studies of famous social psychologist, Dr. Douglas LaBier, in which he found that sick attitudes and perversion of values were being rewarded and reinforced in many large government and private organizations in the US and that these were the keys to one’s success in these organizations. Agency’s actions in this Settlement Agreement are an example and confirmation of his conclusions. In case of Black farmers’ case, the discriminatory handling and processing of their cases, during the previous 15 years, between 1981 and 1996, were reviewed, reprocessed, and re-adjudicated, under Program Aid Law #1641. But nothing like that happened in the Asian/Pacific Americans’ case. Instead, they are being desecrated and disgraced through corrupting and rewarding the few Class Agents, depriving overwhelming majority of the Class from any real and substantial relief, and lying to them that the Agreement is fair, reasonable, and adequate. This again shows an extreme degree of disparate treatment and provision of relief to different groups of people, in this case, the Black Farmers and Asian/Pacific Americans, in the settlement of their class cases. Because of better Class and legal representation, unity, and political support, the Black Farmers Class was able to wrest a well-deserved fair, adequate, and reasonable settlement agreement from the agency, while the Asian/Pacific Islander Class, with the exception of a few Class Agents, just got pacifier, wrapped in inflated packages of shiny wrapping papers.
The irrational, complicit, and illegal OFO-EEOC decisions
The OFO decisions totally failed to address the fundamental legal and constitutional problems of the settlement agreement, even though I had repeatedly emphasized their self-evident importance. Instead, it omitted these most important matters completely from its decisions and resorted to vague and clumsy pretexts and assertions. On page 7 of the decision on Appeal #01A52527 (Exhibit 7), it asserts:
“Although the definition of the class is narrower than the class which the Commission previously conditionally certified, we find that it is not inappropriate to narrow the definition of a settlement class. Furthermore, the Commission previously noted that the scope of the class was subject to amendment.”
The Parties and the Commission can only narrow the class or amend its scope if these are consistent with Title VII and other civil rights acts and laws, and their equal protection clauses and provisions. The Parties and the Commission have no right, and no authority, to narrow the class and amend its scope in a way, which violates the above acts and laws, especially the Title VII. The original OFO definition of the class was consistent with these acts and laws, while the changed definition of the class-affirmed by the OFO decision-is, as explained above, in blatant violation of Title VII and other civil rights acts and laws. To be in compliance with the law, in this regard, if the current Asian/Pacific Islander employees-who applied for the agency positions, for which they were qualified, but were not selected-were included in the class, then the equal protection clauses and provisions of the law require that all Asian/Pacific Islander persons-who applied for the agency positions, for which they were qualified and eligible, but were not selected, during the same period as the current employees of the agency of the API Class-must also be included in the class. The fact that they were not constitutes a violation of the law. If the class had been narrowed or amended to certain specific sub-agency or sub-agencies of USDA-without changing the original OFO definition of the class-that would not be in violation of law, as it would not violate the equal protection clauses and provisions. But, changing that definition of the class to expunge the non-employee Asian/Pacific American job applicants from the class, while including the employee Asian/Pacific American job applicants in the class, involving the same agency and the same time period, is, self-evidently, in violation of the law and its equal protection clauses and provisions. By affirming this violation of the law, the OFO-EEOC is also in violation of the law and is further eroding its reputation and credibility, which are already at their lowest point in its history. This is, self-evidently, the most important problem and issue of the OFO decision.
On page 7 of the decision, it is stated, “Based on our finding that complainant is not a class member entitled to relief pursuant to the subject settlement agreement, we will not address his additional contentions that the settlement agreement was not fair to the class members.”
On page 7 of their March 11, 2005, Joint statement in opposition to appeal of settlement filed by Fazal Rahman and request for expedited ruling (Exhibit 8), the Parties State:
“Appellant alleges that the Settlement Agreement constituted a discriminatory, irrational, and unjustifiable change of definition of the Class. There is no basis or authority for appellant’s conclusion. Appellant contends that the definition of the Class approved by the Administrative Judge for purposes of settlement improperly excluded Asian/Pacific Islander persons who are not current employees of the Agency from any relief. This conclusion is incorrect. Individuals with pending administrative complaints of employment discrimination, which were subsumed by the Class Action, are offered substantive relief under the terms of the Agreement, whether they are currently Agency employees or not. In fact, Appellant erroneously believes that because he is no longer an Agency employee he will be denied any relief whatsoever.” “The Agency provided Appellant with a letter dated February 17, 2004, indicating that he had been identified as falling within Tier Three of the proposed Settlement Agreement.”
The above statements of the Parties clearly show that I was personally not excluded from the class or relief. In my March 31, 2005 Statement in opposition to the joint statement of the Parties on EEOC Appeal No. 01A52527….. (Exhibit 10), even though, I had focused on issues and matters, which were important for overwhelming majority of the class, I did mention this position of the Parties and its contradictions with the changed definition of the class in the settlement agreement.
The above-cited OFO position, on the matter of my personal inclusion in the class and relief, is in direct contradiction with the above-cited position of the Parties. The OFO position amounts to an extremist racist-discriminatory, malicious, and demonic injustice-not only to me personally, but, more importantly, to the thousands of class members- incomparably worse than that of the agency. The OFO acknowledged that there were contradictions and confusion in the Parties’ Joint statement…. and the contents of the settlement agreement. However, it failed to investigate the reasons and causes of these contradictions and confusion, and, consistent with its Orwellian, complacent, cross institutional status-quo-serving, and injustice-racism-discrimination-legitimizing essence, it resorted to an even more extremist and fraudulent position than that of the Parties, by declaring that I was not a class member, not entitled to relief, and not entitled to raising the legal and other issues-which are, self-evidently, of utmost legal importance in themselves as well as for the interests of thousands of class members-as an appellant, on behalf of the class. By taking this position, the OFO has engaged in the most blatant perversion of logic, facts, and justice imaginable.
For the sake of clarifying this important issue, it is useful to cite the following pretext of page 7 of the OFO decision again:
“Based on our finding that complainant is not a class member entitled to relief pursuant to the subject settlement agreement, we will not address his additional contentions that the settlement agreement was not fair to the class members.”
In my above-cited document of March 31, 2005, I had identified and analyzed many issues and matters, which are of utmost importance to the Asian/Pacific Islander Class. By the most hideous and corrupt maneuver of excluding me from the class and relief, and using that as a pretext for not addressing those issues and matters, the OFO has engaged in an extreme form of professional, ethical, and legal bankruptcy and corruption, to the detriment of the Asian/Pacific Islander Class, revealing its real ultra-Orwellian nature. Instead of addressing and adjudicating those issues and matters, it decided to wipe them out by wiping me out as a class member!!!
Agency’s use of coercion, intimidation, harassment, and deception to pressure me into accepting the ridiculously unfair and racist-discriminatory “relief” and to withdraw my individual employment discrimination Case #010538
Exhibit 13 is a copy of the letter of June 2, 2005 by Arlean Leland, Associate General Counsel at USDA. Exhibit 14 is a copy of my request to the EEOC to order the Agency to stop implementing the Settlement Agreement and harassment, intimidation, coercion, and deception of the complainants and appellants, by pushing and rushing its “relief” offers, with very short deadlines for acceptance, when processing of appeals against the Settlement Agreement was still in progress and not finished. Exhibit 15 is a copy of the letter of August 24, 2005, by Mr. Steven C. Brammer, Associate General Counsel at USDA, in which he repeated earlier efforts to pressure me to withdraw my individual employment discrimination Case #010538. Exhibits 16 and 17 are copies of my email responses to him. All these exhibits are self-explanatory. Each time, the agency sent me withdrawal and so-called expedited hearings forms for obtaining my signature. As explained in my responses, this is a malicious and deceptive maneuver of the agency officials to not only destroy my individual employment discrimination Case #010538 but also the USDA Class Action Case #020077, EEOC Appeal Docket #01A50945, with which the individual case is associated and for which it is of crucial importance. That class action case is on behalf of all the minorities in the USDA in employment related matters and I am the Class Agent of that case. It is still being processed by the OFO-EEOC, which had directed the Agency to hold it in abeyance in association with that case (please see Exhibit 18, page 3 of the EEOC decision of October 30, 2003, on the first appeal, Appeal #01A24350, involving the same class action case that is now being processed under the second Appeal #01A50945. In the EEOC decision on the first appeal, the case was remanded back to the AJ, Mr. Kurt Hodges, as he had dismissed the case without addressing or adjudicating any of the numerous huge class issues of the case. Mr. Hodges has been transferred from the EEOC Phoenix District Office. He was notorious for mishandling and discriminatory processing and adjudication of minorities’ civil rights and discrimination cases. There were numerous complaints against him, including my own.
All the information, data, and analysis of this document, being submitted to the court, were also submitted to the EEOC and the Agency, during the processing of my appeal against the Settlement Agreement.
A. Relief requested for the Class issues
1. It is requested that the Agency be ordered to stop implementing the Settlement Agreement, involved in this case, pending the outcome of this court case.
2. Order the Agency to restore the original OFO-EEOC definition of the Asian/Pacific Islander Class, as cited above on page 2, in which all Asian/Pacific Islander persons, who applied for the Agency positions, for which they were qualified and eligible, but were not selected, are included in the Class, in addition to the current Asian/Pacific Islander employees, during the same time period.
3. Declare the Settlement Agreement unfair, unreasonable, inadequate, corrupt and null and void and vacate it.
4. Dismiss the Class Agents and replace them with relatively more ethical, fair, and democratic Class Agents. Dr. Mon Yee, a current Class Agent, is well known in the Asian/Pacific Islander Class Members, as a man of high integrity, intelligence, and principles. It is recommended that he be retained among the new Class Agents.
5. Order the Agency to negotiate a truly fair, reasonable, adequate, and democratic settlement agreement, in the interests of the whole Class, as originally defined by the OFO-EEOC, and not in those of a few Class Agents.
6. Order the Agency to conduct an investigation of this whole fraudulent affair, by an independent investigator, in which public resources have been used for corruption and injustice. The top Class Agents and some of the USDA officials, involved in this matter, are of Indian national origin. They know and are close to each other. There was a great deal of collusion and conflict of interest involved in this matter. Some officials of the USDA Coalition of Minority Employees, including Dr. Mon Yee and Mr. Lawrence Lucas, know a lot about this and would be willing to testify and provide affidavits, if requested.
B. Relief requested for the individual issues
1. Offer of a suitable position, comparable to those involved in my individual employment discrimination Case #010538, with promotions, which I would have been entitled to from the time of non-selection and during the period of holding me cases in abeyance.
2. Back pay for the higher of the two positions in Case #010538 from the time of non-selection, including the period in which the case was held in abeyance.
3. Award of $1,000,000 in punitive damages.
4. Award of $500,000 in compensatory damages.
C. Condemnation of EEOC’s unprofessional, incompetent, complicit and illegal actions
The honorable Judge is requested to write a brief analysis of EEOC’s self-evidently unprofessional, complicit, incompetent, and illegal actions and behavior, on the basis of the evidence, facts, and analyses of all the documents of this case. The EEOC has been taking diabolical advantage of its impunity from prosecution and causing immeasurable damages to minorities’ cases, careers, and lives for decades now. At the very least, the nature of its actions and practices must be documented and exposed when these are revealed in cases like this.
A few miscellaneous exhibits (19-24), demonstrating the widespread and highly institutionalized and systematic discrimination and racism against the minorities in the USDA, are also being enclosed with this case, as contextual and background material, to illustrate the nature of context in which Agency’s actions took place in regard to the Asian/Pacific Islander Class Action Case and the Settlement Agreement in general as well as its diabolically discriminatory, unfair, and deceptive actions in my individual issues in particular.
Fazal Rahman, Ph.D. September 27, 2005
Cc. 1. United States Attorney, Phoenix, Arizona
2. Attorney General of the United States, Washington, DC
3. Steven C. Brammer, Agency Representative, Office of the General Counsel, USDA, Washington, DC
4. James P. Hood, Attorney for the Asian/Pacific Class Agents
5. Director, Office of Federal Operations, EEOC, Washington, DC
The USDA, EEOC, and Mr. Hood already have all the exhibits enclosed with this case, in their case files. Therefore, these exhibits are not being sent to them with the copy of this case. Instead, copies of a detailed list of these exhibits are being sent to them for their reference.
4. USDA forced into $3.5 billion settlements with hundreds of thousands of minority farmer for decades of discriminatory practices against them
In the late 1990s, many class action court cases were filed by various minorities against the USDA for various racist and gender discriminatory and damaging practices. After lengthy litigations, the USDA was forced to award the biggest settlements to these minority groups in the history of civil rights litigation, as a result of representation by competent and persevering attorneys. Black farmers (Pigford Case I and II) were awarded $1.25 billion, Hispanic and women farmers (The Garcia and Love Cases) $1.33 billion, and American Indian farmers ( Keepseagle Case) $760 million, the total coming to almost $3.5 billion. There was also an Asian-American employees class action discrimination case (Basu et. al.), in which because of the representation by corrupt class agents, only $1.7 million were awarded to the whole class, more than 58 percent of which was usurped corruptly by a few class agents. Thousands of other class members were kept in the dark about the settlement agreement and later thrown the left-overs. My individual employment discrimination cases had become part of that class action case and were dragged on within it for numerous years. As a result of cross-institutional corruption and collaboration, I, along with overwhelming majority of the class members, got subjected to extremist injustice and unfairness in that corrupt settlement agreement. As important constitutional issues of equal protection, the objective vs subjective and corrupted nature of class composition, corruption, unfairness, and dishonesty were involved, I filed the above-mentioned pro se case in the Federal District in Arizona that ended up at the Federal District Court for the District of Columbia in the court of Judge John D. Bates. Among other issues, clear violations of the Fourteenth Amendment of the US Constitution, Section 1, Equal Protection of the Laws, as well as of Title VII Civil Rights Act, were irrefutably demonstrated in the case documents. As also mentioned elsewhere, Judge Bates ruled that he will not address or adjudicate any of those most important issues, hence abusing his judicial powers, vested in him by the public, most unprofessionally, arrogantly, consciencelessly, and discriminatorily, and supporting and collaborating with violations of the constitution and civil rights laws, corruption, dishonesty, and lies of the Agency personnel. My case was legally, logically, and factually impeccable and very strong. However, the cross-institutional Homo dollarus clones were able to destroy it because of the lack of financial resources and legal representation. This is what has been happening in this supposed epitome of “Democracy”, “Freedom”, “Land of the Free”, and “Home of the Brave”!
The USDA destroyed my career over a prolonged period of time, starting in 1986. Since then, I filed numerous cases of discrimination and violations of civil and employment rights, against it, (Cases #020077, 880830, 881129, 881012, 900608 etc.), resulting in three different destructive, unjust, and discriminatory settlement agreements, which I was forced to sign because of my damaged and weakened financial and professional situation in this extremist capitalist-imperialist and racist country.
5. Email sent to CBS 60 Minutes, Frontline, and some investigative reporters of some other networks, requesting the investigation and reporting of the longstanding problems of discrimination and racism in the USDA. None of them did anything.
On Thu, Jun 27, 2013 at 4:34 AM, <unpollutedfaz(at)aol.com> wrote:
I am a politically leftist Muslim US citizen of Asian origins. Currently, I am an interdisciplinary researcher and writer, with a vast background in social and biological sciences. I have published numerous articles in scientific journals as well as on various web sites, including those on political economy, philosophy, mass psychology, and human nature. I have also written and published a new and original macro-level theory on the biosocial regulation of human nature by powerful, combined, and intertwined social forces of politico-economic systems, technocracy, and cultures, in an interdisciplinary scientific journal.
I request that you investigate the racist and political discriminatory destruction of my career by the cross-institutional networks of the bureaucracies of the US Department of Agriculture (USDA), Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), US Attorney’s Office in Washington, D.C., and the G. W. Bush appointed judge of the Federal District Court in the District of Columbia, John D. Bates, whose extremist discriminatory ruling of December 14, 2009 in Civil Case No. 1:06-cv-1283 (JDB)-http://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/district-of-columbia/dcdce/1:2006cv01283/121709/60 – forced me to once again sign a most damaging, unjust, and racist-discriminatory settlement agreement with the USDA in March 2010, which bars me from even applying for the Agency positions.
Even though, under the current administration in the USDA, there have been personnel changes in areas that deal with the sinister reality and history of civil and employment rights of minorities, as well as loud claims of changes in policies and actions, all these amount to cosmetics and the reality of discrimination and civil rights violations continues unabated. A major cause of this is the Office of the General Counsel, in which the same old boys club-with frozen, brutal, conscienceless, and mechanistic psychologies- is applying the same dishonest and justice-and-truth-killing strategy and tactics that were applied throughout its previous history, with robotic consciencelessness, intoxicated arrogance, and self-evident dishonesty. Self-evident violations of the US Constitution and civil rights laws as well as irrefutably transparent lies, corruption, and dishonesty of the Agency’s personnel, documented statements, and positions etc. were most clearly documented in the federal court case. The above-mentioned Federal Court judge, John D. Bates, totally ignored all these and failed to address or adjudicate any of these. Instead, he maliciously mutilated and fragmented the holistic and inextricably intertwined issues of the case and ruled that he will not touch the most important basis and issues of the case, hence collaborating with the Agency in this regard and ruling that I did not have a standing to bring these issues before him, contradicting his own earlier ruling on this matter! This is the same judge who later used the same pretext to dismiss the case filed by the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) attorneys on behalf of Anwar Al-Awlaki, a US citizen, who was murdered by the US forces in Yemen. Judge Bates also dismissed the case filed by Valerie Plame against the government for blowing her CIA cover, because her husband had exposed the lies of the Bush administration on Saddam Hussain’s acquisitions of uranium from Niger. He used the pretext that his court did not have jurisdiction over the case, one of the same pretexts he used in my case, after initiating and positing of the question of federal courts’ jurisdiction to review the EEOC decisions and asking the parties to submit their replies. This was very strange on part of a judge to initiate and posit such a question.
The case was first filed in the US Federal District Court in Phoenix, Arizona, during 2005. The agency filed a motion that the court in Arizona did not have jurisdiction, as the USDA is headquartered in Washington, DC. That was a clumsy motion, as the USDA has offices in all the states and major cities, including Arizona. However, the judge granted the motion and transferred the case to Washington, DC, where it was assigned to Judge Bates in 2006. After adjudicating several motions of the defendant, in 2009, he initiated the above-mentioned question of jurisdiction and asked the parties to respond. Evidence of many precedents was presented to him, which clearly demonstrated that federal courts indeed have such jurisdiction. This is also clear from EEOC’s own regulations and final notice, in which complainants are informed of their right to file a case in a federal court against its decisions. Why would EEOC do that if the federal courts did not have such jurisdiction? Why would the resources and time of plaintiffs and courts be wasted, if the courts did not have such jurisdiction? Mr. Bates, however, ignored all the evidence presented to him in this regard, as well as all the logic and arguments, and ruled that his court did not have jurisdiction!
Even in countries that are notorious for their corrupt and unfair judicial systems, the higher courts, in such extreme instances, take suo moto notice of them and rectify such decisions. I had filed a pro se case, as I could not afford the exorbitant costs of the vulture attorneys in this country. The representatives of various classist and racist bureaucracies knew my financial weakness-the result of systematic and prolonged racist discriminatory destruction of my career in this country-and exploited it to the maximum.
Before becoming a judge, Mr. Bates was a US attorney at the same US Attorney’s Office in the District of Columbia that was handling the case on behalf of the USDA. As mentioned above, he was appointed by George W. Bush, an extremist Republican President. In view of his professional and political background-and mine as mentioned above, which was self-evident in documents of the case-it was certain that he would issue biased rulings and judgments. Therefore, he was requested to recuse himself from the case. However, he refused to do so, as he was determined to harm my interests and rights, as my leftist political views were transparent in my documents and analyses.
In the late 1990s, many class action cases were filed by various minorities against the USDA for various racist and gender discriminatory and damaging practices. After lengthy litigation, the USDA was forced to award the biggest settlements to these minority groups in the history of civil rights litigation, as a result of representation by competent and persevering attorneys. Black farmers (Pigford Case I and II) were awarded $1.25 billion, Hispanic and women farmers (The Garcia and Love Cases) $1.33 billion, and American Indian farmers ( Keepseagle Case) $760 million, the total coming to almost $3.5 billion. There was also an Asian-American employees class action discrimination case (Basu et. al.), in which because of the representation by corrupt class agents, only $1.7 million were awarded to the whole class, more than 58 percent of which was usurped corruptly by a few class agents. Thousands of other class members were kept in the dark about the settlement agreement and later thrown the left-overs. My individual employment discrimination cases had become part of that class action case and were dragged on within it for numerous years. As a result of cross-institutional corruption and collaboration, I, along with overwhelming majority of the class members, got subjected to extremist injustice and unfairness in that corrupt settlement agreement. As important constitutional issues of equal protection, the objective vs subjective and corrupted nature of class composition, corruption, unfairness, and dishonesty were involved, I filed the above-mentioned pro se case in the Federal District in Arizona that ended up at the Federal District Court for the District of Columbia in the court of Judge Bates. Among other issues, clear violations of the Fourteenth Amendment of the US Constitution, Section 1, Equal Protection of the Laws, as well as of Title VII Civil Rights Act, were irrefutably demonstrated in the case documents. As mentioned above, Judge Bates ruled that he will not address or adjudicate any of those most important issues, hence abusing his judicial powers, vested in him by the public, most unprofessionally, arrogantly, consciencelessly, and discriminatorily, and supporting and collaborating with violations of the constitution and civil rights laws, corruption, dishonesty, and lies of the Agency personnel. My case was legally, logically, and factually impeccable and very strong. However, the cross-institutional Homo dollarus clones were able to destroy it because of the lack of financial resources and legal representation. This is what has been happening in this supposed epitome of “Democracy”, “Freedom”, “Land of the Free”, and “Home of the Brave”!
The USDA destroyed my career over a prolonged period of time, starting in 1986. Since then, I filed numerous cases of discrimination and violations of civil and employment rights, against it, (Cases #020077, 880830, 881129, 881012, 900608 etc.), resulting in three different destructive, unjust, and discriminatory settlement agreements, which I was forced to sign because of my damaged and weakened financial and professional situation in this extremist capitalist-imperialist and racist country.
A most demonic travesty of justice-as well as of logic, rationality, evidence, and facts-has been committed by cross-institutional networks of clones against my life and career in this country. Among other things, it shows the impossibility of justice for Muslim minority citizens, like me-discrimination against whom is multiplied and compounded because of his leftist politico-economic orientation-in this era of systematic demonization of Muslims in this country.
It is my duty to document, analyze, and expose the highly institutionalized and collaborative political and racist discriminatory injustice inflicted on me by the powerful cross-institutional bureaucracies of USDA, EEOC, USDOJ, and the federal court system in this country, and also to show that such injustice is prevalent, common, and of a general nature, inherent in the system itself, in which clone-like, mechanistic, and cross-institutional official subjectivities are not only, subjectively and biasedly, preventing, corrupting, and destroying justice, truth, and facts, but also the laws and constitution-and their spirit and meanings- of this country. In a comprehensive book on the political economy, mass psychology, culture, and human nature in the US, my own case will be one of the specific examples of a much larger study which will demonstrate the determining effects of the deformations and mutilations in the philosophical and politico-economic foundations of the system on the human nature, mass psychology, culture, and all the various institutions of society, including those of the legal and administrative systems.
I had written an in-depth report on the problems of racist, political, intellectual, and other forms of discrimination in the USDA, EEOC, and other institutions in this country in 1999. Copies of that report were sent to the USDA and EEOC in 2000, which made them even more hostile towards me. To begin with, I intend to publish an updated version of that report on the nature and prevalence of multidimensional discrimination in the USDA, other agricultural and scientific institutions, EEOC, the Federal court system, and the US Department of Justice.
I requested the US Attorney’s Office in Washington, D.C. and the USDA for their consent to my intended publications, about a year ago. US Attorney’s Office did not even have a minimum of courtesy to acknowledge the receipt of that request, much less respond to it in any way. The USDA acknowledged the receipt of the request, but has been giving me typical run-arounds, and sending the request from one office to another. I believe that these publications will be covered by the First Amendment of the US Constitution and will also be in the public interest to know what its supposed servants-paid from the public resources-are actually doing in practice, across the board.
As part of the US Department of Justice, the role of US Attorney’s Office in this case has been extremely contradictory to elementary concepts of justice, truth, honesty, civil rights, and upholding the equal protection part of the constitution, which were all blatantly violated by the Agency personnel and offices. This raises a fundamental question: As public employees, what is the real responsibility and duty of US attorneys in cases where there are such clear violations in this regard by the government agencies and personnel they are representing? Are they supposed to collaborate with them, as they did in this case, or hold them accountable? In this case, they acted exactly like the private attorneys representing their clients, ignoring and white-washing all their well-documented violations of the equal protection parts of the constitution; civil rights laws, concepts, and their meanings; corruption, dishonesty, and lies etc., in order to corrupt and destroy justice and inflict further damages on a minority victim of extreme discriminatory injustices. I also intend to fully analyze the actual role of US attorneys in such cases, in my publications.
Unless one has enough resources to be represented by competent attorneys, it is a waste of time, intellect, spirit, and resources to file administrative or judicial cases in the thoroughly rigged and mechanistic cross-institutional system of intoxicated and discriminatory injustice and the culture of money-power-and-things-worshipping in this country. I had to learn this the hard way. Hence, I will waste no more time in filing any such cases. However, I will continue to struggle and fight, politically and intellectually, against this system and its perpetrators, as long as I am alive. I am now planning to move to another country soon, where such problems are not this extreme and where Homo sapiens has not turned into Homo dollarus.
I hope that you will consider assigning this matter to some committed investigator for a thorough investigation of such cross-institutional injustices and abuses of power that I briefly described above. I will provide more details and names and addresses of some USDA minority organizations that are intimately familiar with these problems at the USDA and have been struggling for decades against them, on request.
Fazal Rahman, Ph.D.
6. The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
Meeting of July 22, 2008 – Issues Facing Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) in the Federal Workplace
Statement of Arun C. Basu, Ph.D. Retired USDA Employee
Chair Earp, Vice Chair, Commissioners, Colleagues, and Friends,
It is a great honor and privilege to have the opportunity to appear as a witness and submit this statement regarding the lack of equal opportunity for Asian employees in the federal sector. Towards that end, I will share my experiences as an Asian employee in the U. S. Department of Agriculture (USDA).
I was born in India. I received my Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Calcutta with first class honors in Agricultural Sciences. In 1961, I came to the University of Missouri and received my Master of Science degree in 1962. In 1966, I earned my Ph.D. in Agricultural Extension Administration from the University of Missouri.
Following my academic completion, I joined the faculty of Colorado State University with a teaching assignment at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, West Africa. In 1969 I accepted a position with the Cooperative Extension Service, West Virginia University, where I worked until 1976.
In 1977, I came to work for USDA as the Deputy Director of Civil Rights for Cooperative State Research, Education, and Extension Service (CSREES) and in 1980 became the Director of the Civil Rights Division for the Natural Resources and Conservation Service (NRCS), where I served for 17 years. From 2005 I served as a Senior Executive Service Special Assistant to the Chief, NRCS, for Outreach and Diversity until I retired in June, 2007 following 38 years of federal service. As a result of my long service in the field of civil rights at USDA, I believe I am appropriately informed to be able to share with you the problems in equal opportunity and civil rights.
What my experience at USDA shows is that Asians are systematically shut out from upper level managerial positions. The written application is a response to the technical requirements of the job and focuses on education and experience. This is the most objective part of the hiring process. However, to neutralize this consistent advantage of Asian employees, USDA agencies utilize interviews of candidates (the most subjective part of the hiring process) and mark down the Asian employees with statements like “did not respond clearly.” Then the USDA Agencies justify the selection of individuals who are patently less qualified in the technical aspect of the job with subjective remarks like “the selectee showed better leadership qualities” even in positions that is not supervisory or managerial.
I personally filed complaints of discrimination, beginning in April, 1994, for continuing denial of promotion and non-selection to many SES positions, despite having successfully completed USDA’s SES Candidate Development Program and certification by the USOPM as qualified for the SES cadre. From 1994 to 1999, I applied for positions in NRCS and saw individuals of lesser education and experience who had not been certified by OPM as SESCDP graduates get the SES jobs.
Filing a complaint of discrimination brought retaliation from my managers. I filed complaints of retaliation and even EEOC ruled that the Agency had indeed retaliated against me. I personally met with the Director, Office of Civil Rights, and asked for intervention based on EEOC’s ruling and other evidence to support my claim.
There was no action taken by the Office of Civil Rights. Even after that finding, the agency continued to retaliate by changing my title as Acting Director of Civil Rights. Thereafter, the retaliation became more conspicuous when I was forced out of my duties to a non-supervisory specialist position outside civil rights. For further reprisals, the NRCS even filed charges for criminal investigation by the USDA, OIG, who found no evidence of any criminal acts of any criminal acts by the incumbent in the position as Director of Civil Rights Division.
Finally, based on continuing reprisals and harassment from 1994 to 1999, and a rising crescendo from other Asian employees from different USDA agencies who experienced similar situations, in November 1999 I filed a class complaint, Arun C. Basu, et al v. Veneman.
It was not easy for me to take this step. The leaders of the established employee organization Asian Pacific Americans in Agriculture (APANA) refused to provide any support. As a result I organized and established a new organization called the Organization of South Asian Americans in Agriculture (OSAAA) and many of the officers and members of APANA joined the organization. However, when OSAAA’s officers voted to support my class complaint, there were individuals who asked for their membership to be cancelled, indicating that they did not want to be a part of an organization that would support the class complaint.
In 1999, once I filed the complaint, the Director, Office of Civil Rights refused to even talk to the EEO Counselor. The Department refused to consider engaging in mediation efforts. In fact, while the class complaint was at EEOC for a determination of certification, NRCS, represented by two attorneys from the Office of General Counsel, asked me to engage in mediation to settle my individual complaint and offered me a substantial sum of money to settle the case.
Initially, EEOC the Administrative Judge did not certify the class. We appealed to the Office of Federal Operations, which overruled the ruling of the AJ and granted provisional certification pending the class finding an acceptable counsel. Following the EEOC certification, instead of engaging in any effort to resolve the complaint, USDA secured the services of a private law firm to represent it in this matter. We were confronted with a variety of legal actions from five attorneys of the law firm. I suppose the thinking was that if they threw heavyweight legal counsel at us we would crumple.
Of all the class complaints that have been filed against USDA, this is the only one that has been resolved. The Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, Mr. Vernon Parker, was given the green light by the Office of General Counsel to settle this case, because it determined that USDA was vulnerable. After seven years this case was settled, which resulted in my promotion to SES ranks retroactively. It also provided relief to many others.
The Agreement between USDA and the Basu class outlined specific actions to be implemented. To ensure that these requirements were actually fulfilled by the agencies, it was agreed that the Office of Civil Rights would hire and appoint a GS-15 to serve as a monitor/coordinator. One person was hired to this position but left within a short while. Since then the position has been vacant and assigned to others as a collateral responsibility. The biggest failure on the part of the Office of Civil Rights is that it does not conduct any compliance reviews of these agencies, even when there is evidence of problems.
However, the attitudes of upper management, the treatment of Asian employees, and the continued failure to address this situation perpetuates the climate of discrimination. This systematic discriminatory conduct is most blatant in the Food Safety Inspection Service.
Let me share a few examples:
One individual who filed a complaint of discrimination in 1995 still has not had final resolution. Because of the lengthy process, he wrote to the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, Mr. Vernon Parker, and asked for relief. What was particularly egregious in this situation was that he had received a written offer from the Office of Civil Rights, listing what the agency had agreed to do to resolve the complaint. Following this written offer, the agency did not respond to any of this individual’s phone calls or office visits. Based on this information, the Assistant Secretary promised to intercede on his behalf with his agency. The Assistant Secretary also informed the Director, Office of Civil Rights that he was attempting to resolve this complaint. Based on his efforts the agency submitted an offer to settle, which Mr. Parker determined was insufficient. However, while Mr. Parker was negotiating with the agency, the Director, Office of Civil Rights issued a Final Agency Decision with a no finding of discrimination. This is still on appeal to the EEOC, but it is indicative of poor process control. The situation with managers got so bad that this individual applied for a position at a lower grade just to escape the ongoing discrimination and continuing reprisals. The position he applied for and was selected for is in another state. Now he is being told that he will not be given any relocation costs since the agency was doing him a favor.
Another individual at the Washington office was being transferred to an office in Georgia. Because of this individual’s poor health, his wife’s employment, and his son’s college education, he asked to be transferred to an office in Maryland. There were numerous vacancies in Maryland he was applying for and was making the list of best qualified candidates. He also asked for Mr. Parker’s intervention. In spite of the pleas of the Assistant Secretary, the agency insisted that it would transfer him to Maryland on the condition that he accepts a down-grade.
This same agency advertised for a technical position which required a 4 year college degree. One individual applied for this position with 2 Master’s degrees and a Ph.D. in the technical field that was advertised. In addition, he was a leader in this field with extensive research and articles to his credit. The agency selected an individual without a college degree. When the individual filed a complaint of discrimination the agency justified the selection and said there was no discrimination. He also became the target for further discrimination and retaliation.
Routine retaliation and reprisals are rampant against employees in USDA and have become a norm and a management practice at all Agencies in defiance of civil right laws and regulations. So far we have only talked about the failures at USDA in the area of employment.
For many years, USDA has shown under-participation of Asians in employment. Currently, USDA shows Asian participation in its permanent workforce at 2.36%. Unlike the calculation of employment of Hispanics, which excludes the numbers in Puerto Rico, USDA does not exclude the numbers in Hawaii, thereby skewing it in its favor. Forest Service, the largest agency in USDA with more than 30,000 employees, has a meager 1.65% Asian employment despite having Region 5 which includes California and its abundant Asian population. Farm Service Agency shows Asian employment at a mere 1.27% of its workforce. National Finance Center has a shockingly low 1.65% Asian employment. Rural Development has Asian representation of only 1.98%. Asian employment at the Natural Resources and Conservation Service, the agency where I worked for 28 years, has been declining for years and stands at a paltry 1.11%. Despite submitting such analysis to the leadership and speaking about it at the highest levels, the agency has shown no commitment to change its hiring and promotion practices. Only two agencies reflect better numbers. Agricultural Research Service shows 5.9% Asian employment and Food Safety Inspection Service reflects 3.66% Asian employment. The statistics cited above are officially reported by USDA to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in its annual MD-715 Report. This report is submitted by the agencies to the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights prior to submission to the EEOC. Yet there is no effort made by the Assistant Secretary to bring some change to this situation.
The Executive Summary of USDA’s MD-715 Report shows that Asians are under-represented in five of seven major occupations. Asians are employed below CLF rates in six of the seven major occupations – Forestry Technician (1.0% compared with 8.4% in CLF); Loan Specialist (0.9% compared with 3.1% in the CLF); General Business and Industry (1.2% compared with 4.9% in the CLF); Information Technology Specialist (4.5% compared with 10.3% in the CLF); Food Inspection (1.5% compared with 2.9% in the CLF); and General Biological Science (2.7% compared with 8.4% in the CLF).
Despite this bleak situation, none of the agencies show any particular activity planned or in place to increase Asian employment. The barrier analysis portion of the NRCS MD-715 report reads in part as follows: “Not all agency leaders are committed to ensuring a diverse workforce…Some agency leaders and selecting officials make decisions based on preconceived ideas about people. There are no measures in place to keep leaders accountable when they act on their preconceived opinions.” (Emphasis added).
The thrust of my statement has two prongs – one is that Asians are severely under-represented in USDA and are victims of discrimination, harassment and abuse. The other is that the Departmental Civil Rights Program, whether under the structure of the previous Office of Civil Rights or under the current Office of the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, is woefully inadequate. For example, in 2006, the USDA Secretary’s Asian American Advisory Council developed and submitted to the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights a Strategic Plan with recommended Action Items regarding EEO problems and barriers faced by the Asian employees. To this day it must be sitting on a shelf collecting dust with no follow up actions.
Beyond the poor hiring of Asians in USDA, there is also a climate of discrimination that is particularly troubling. For instance, the disparity in allocation of resources for events conducted in Special Emphasis Programs is easily noticeable. Asian events do not get the same amount of funds to conduct those events as the other groups. Consistently, the position of the Asian Pacific American Coordinator goes unfilled for long periods of time. It is the only Special Emphasis Program Coordinator position that has been occupied at different times by a non-Asian. Attempts to raise this issue with management have fallen on deaf ears.
This disparity is also extended to the support provided to Asian employee organizations as compared to the African American, Hispanic, and women’s groups. Besides the disparate financial support, Asian employees are consistently denied the opportunity to attend the annual Leadership Training Conference conducted by the Federal Asian Pacific American Council (FAPAC).
The unfortunate situation in USDA is that there is no serious commitment on the part of the leadership to the problems of civil rights and there is no serious attempt to hold upper management accountable for their egregious record in civil rights. The USDA Office of Civil Rights has failed to conduct basic analysis of employment statistics, hiring practices, and other actions of the agencies, even when the information was available. It has failed to conduct any analysis of agency problems as evidenced in the processing of EEO complaints. It has engaged in unfair actions in the manner it adjudicates EEO complaints. On the rare occasion that it made a finding of discrimination, the Office of Civil Rights would inform the agency management that such a finding would be made and suggest that it would be advisable for the agency to settle the complaint. Of course, the result of the agency settling the complaint meant that the complaint would be closed without a finding and consequently with no suggestion of disciplinary action against the wrongdoer.
The political reality is that an Under Secretary of a mission area or an Administrator of an agency has more clout than a SES Director of the Office of Civil Rights in reporting to the Assistant Secretary for Administration. Even under the new structure of the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, the office is under-funded, under-staffed, and not engaging in substantive activities. The class complaint I filed was fraught with difficulties. First, with the exception of a handful, it was extremely difficult to get other Asian employees to join the action for their fears of further agency reprisals.
Working in the field of civil rights at USDA meant that we would get a lot of media attention. I do not believe any other federal agency has received as much media attention over the years as USDA has. Unfortunately, the media picture is anything but flattering. Yet the situation continues without much change. In my experience working in the field of civil rights in USDA, there are some key points to be made:
The Office of Civil Rights (now the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights) is terribly under-funded. As a result, it has completely abandoned its function of conducting compliance reviews.
Its resources are insufficient to allow it to process complaints in a timely manner and with a requisite level of quality. Too often, the Office of the Assistant Secretary has to approach the agencies for funds to allow it to conduct essential functions. This compromises the independence of the office and makes it susceptible to agency influence in critical civil rights issues.
This office also has lost a lot of qualified employees and those positions have not been filled with individuals with the required skills. In addition, vacancies go unfilled for long periods of time. (I served as a manager long enough to know that when you do not have funds to fulfill the travel and training needs, you start to look for lapsed funds to use). I am sure that if you conduct an analysis of the civil rights program at USDA you will see this is what is happening.
The Office of the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights does not have the support and clout to make the agencies abide by the requirements of equal opportunity.
I hope the outcome of these hearings is action to address the needs of Asians in the workplace. As a secondary outcome, it would be wonderful if it helped USDA establish a budget that will allow the Office of the Assistant Secretary to fulfill all its responsibilities competently and independently. In addition, this effort should take action to ensure accountability for civil rights at the highest level of the program agencies. It is the Administrators and upper management of NRCS, FS, FSIS, and others that should be held accountable for the failure to have a fully integrated workforce with a particular group’s participation reflective of its availability. Similarly, questions should be asked why Forest Service and the other agencies are consistently showing such a disregard to equal opportunity and civil rights.
7. Racism and Classism Are Alive and Deadly: US Public Policies Create Environmental Injustice
Black farmers protest at Lafayette Park across from the White House in Washington, D.C. on September 22, 1997. Protesters alleged the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) denied black farmers equal access to farm loans and assistance based on their race. North Carolina farmer Timothy Pigford and 400 other black farmers filed the Pigford v. Glickman (Pigford I) class-action lawsuit against USDA in 1997. The USDA settled Pigford I in 1999. (Photo: Anson Eaglin / USDA)
Despite claims that we live in a post-racial era, racism and classism continue to permeate US society, including in the governmental and advocacy organizations that are supposed to prevent discrimination and abuse. Racism is well documented in the criminal (in)justice system, and since the Occupy movement arose, inequality in incomes and wealth are more frequently discussed. But little attention has been given to racism and classism in the environmental movement and in agricultural policy, where their effects create intolerable injustices.
The plight of black farmers came to the forefront recently when The New York Times published a controversial report regarding the Pigford I and II court settlements which attempted to compensate black farmers for past discrimination against them by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). The report and current practices of the USDA are still being protested by black farmers, who continue to face mistreatment despite laws meant to prevent discrimination.
Big polluters locate their factories and waste dumps in poor neighborhoods and communities of color that do not have the resources to stop them while large environmental advocacy groups look the other way. Robert Bullard, the father of the environmental justice movement, described to Grist what is happening, saying: “Now it’s institutional racism. You don’t have a lot of individuals out there wearing sheets and hoods. Instead you see it as the policies get played out.”
We explored racism and classism within governmental and nongovernmental organizations and how they prevent voices from affected communities being heard on Clearing the FOG with Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) whistleblower Dr. Marsha Coleman-Adebayo, president of the USDA Coalition of Minority Employees Lawrence Lucas, president of the African-American Environmentalist Association Norris McDonald and environmental justice activist Rue.
The failure to include and respect the diversity of voices of those affected by unfair practices is allowing the poisoning and disappearance of whole communities. Just as diversity in biological systems brings resilience and strength, diversity in advocacy creates more just and equitable public policy and creates a better world for all of us.
Black Farmers Still Face Discrimination by USDA
Ongoing institutional racism and discrimination by the USDA are the primary reasons that the number of black farmers is declining. At the turn of the last century, there were over 200,000 black farmers cultivating 15 million acres of land. However, federal loan practices and other practices have made it impossible for many black farmers to purchase or maintain land. Reports show that compared to white farmers, black farmers wait twice as long for responses to their loan applications and are more likely to have their loans denied, the amount of the loan cut and their properties sent to foreclosure.
As a result of this racially discriminatory policy, by the 1990s, there were less than 20,000 black farmers working only 2.3 million acres of land. These facts started to receive more attention when one farmer, Timothy Pigford, filed a lawsuit in 1997 because he was denied a loan by the Farmers Home Administration. Thousands of black farmers stepped up to say that they had been treated similarly to Pigford and the case became a class-action lawsuit.
The lawsuit led to two settlements, Pigford I and Pigford II. The first was for the farmers who joined Pigford in his initial lawsuit, and the second was for farmers who had not been notified about the case. Pigford II was signed by the president in December 2010. But Lucas states that many black farmers today have still not been compensated as required by law. This has been documented in a study called “Obstruction of Justice” conducted by the National Black Farmers Association and the Environmental Working Group.
A third case, the Black Farmers Discrimination Litigation, was won in October 2011 because black farmers continued to be discriminated against: their complaints were not being investigated, the USDA did not take steps to correct civil rights violations and the “USDA’s failure to act deprived countless farmers of credits and payments under various federal programs which resulted in financial and real estate losses.”
Racism and discrimination against black farmers continues today. The right-wing group founded by Andrew Breitbart published a report implying that black farmers were committing fraud by applying for settlement dollars under Pigford to which they were not entitled. The New York Times conducted its own investigation which agreed with the Breitbart report.
But Lucas states that these reports “distorted the truth” and black farmer groups protested them. John Boyd of the National Black Farmers Associationexplains where some of the errors in the reports originated. For example, the US Census Bureau data grossly underestimate the number of black farmers. And the Federation of Southern Cooperatives/Land Assistance Fund published a point-by-point response to The New York Times article called “Sharon LaFraniere [the Times reporter on the story] Got It Wrong.”
Racism is still a problem within the USDA. It affects the employees, especially whistleblowers who bring attention to problems, and the people they serve. Although the head of the USDA, Tom Vilsack, claims “we celebrate diversity instead of discriminate against it,” Lucas emphatically disagrees, responding that there is “systemic and planned and orchestrated discrimination by the federal government” which he calls a “plantation mentality.”
Lucas states that “Things are worse now under this administration when it comes to civil rights than in the past, and even under the Bush administration it was never this bad.” Title VI and Title VII laws are not being adhered to and increasing numbers of complaints are being filed. In fact, the only person who has been held accountable for racism is Shirley Sherrod because Breitbart’s group edited a video to make it appear that she made an anti-white comment. Sherrod was wrongly fired from the USDA and later received an apology from the president and Vilsack.
According to Lucas, organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the Congressional Black Caucus, which have historically stood up for the rights of blacks, are silent on racism within the government and the situation affecting black farmers. In addition, Lucas says that people who try to bring up the issue of racism are “slapped down” and that this is not a “post-civil rights era for minorities” as racism continues.
Lucas calls for these organizations to step up and for there to be a dialogue about racism that has not yet occurred. He and black farmers are going to continue to confront these issues. A march to the White House this June is being organized by a coalition of independent black farmers.
Environmental Nonprofits “Wealthy and White”
Racism and classism are also pervasive within mainstream environmental organizations. Racism is manifested through employment practices, how people of color are treated within environmental groups and what causes are given priority. Even more concerning, efforts by mainstream environmental groups to protect wilderness have pushed polluters into minority communities where the residents have few resources to stop them and are abandoned by the larger environmental groups.
Mainstream environmental groups have a deserved reputation for being wealthy and white. A 2005 study of diversity from the Minority Environmental Leadership Development Initiative reported that out of 158 environmental institutions examined, 33 percent of mainstream groups and 22 percent of government groups had no people of color on staff. Another study that looked at member groups of the National Resources Council of America found that only 11 percent of employees and 9 percent of board members were people of color.
This lack of diversity is not due to a lack of quality minority applicants in environmental fields. University of Michigan Professor Dorceta Taylor interviewed students and found “Minority students are being trained in environmental disciplines, thereby creating a robust pool of talent.” Taylor also reported, “My research shows they express the same willingness as white students to work for environmental organizations, and at minimum salaries well within the range these groups are willing to pay.”
And the lack of diversity is not because minorities do not care about the environment. In fact, just the opposite is true. A recent poll found that 84 percent of Latinos support regulations to control air pollution and 86 percent support limits to pollutants that cause climate change. Other polls also found majorities of minorities in favor of environmental measures to address various ecological problems. And minority communities that are adversely affected by pollution, land use and lack of access to healthy food also care about broader environmental issues such as climate change.
Lack of diversity within environmental groups has been going on since the beginning and it continues today, as this recent Washington Post articledescribes. Norris McDonald was the first black environmentalist who, as a result of his experiences, founded the African-American Environmentalist Association in 1985. Norris states, “White groups weren’t hiring black professionals, and when they did, it was a hostile atmosphere. There were a handful of black professionals in the environmental groups then, and there are a handful now.”
The culture within mainstream environmental groups is so homogeneous that people of color often feel that they have to adopt that culture in order to be heard, as McDonald describes in his autobiography. And discrimination is inherent, as this report on diversity states: “People of color are often hired as support staff and placed into positions not marked for leadership potential. The few people of color who are a part of a professional staff often leave environmental organizations (and at times the movement altogether) because of unfortunate experiences. Many feel unwelcome and uncomfortable in institutions because of the homogeneous culture both within organizations and the movement.”
In general, people are most inspired when they are doing work that they care about. It is no surprise, then, that minorities who work in mainstream environmental groups lose interest over time if the agenda does not match what they are seeing as the greatest needs in their communities. Center for Health, Environment & Justice Executive Director Lois Gibbs writes that there is a bigger problem than simply diversifying an organization. She explains, “I know from experience that a diverse staff and board will not change much unless it is accompanied by a radical shift in mission, goals and resource allocations.”
And when it comes to the needs of minority communities, resources are the greatest obstacle. Gibbs quotes a report from the National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy which found “environmental funders mainly support large, professionalized environmental organizations instead of the grass-roots, community-based groups that are most heavily affected by environmental harm. Organizations with annual budgets greater than $5 million make up only 2 percent of all environmental groups, yet they receive more than 50 percent of all grants and donations.”
And finally, mainstream organizations that work to protect wildlands and wildlife have had the unintended effect of pushing big polluters into areas where minority communities are overwhelmingly affected. This 1990 letter signed by one hundred organizations through the SouthWest Organizing project to the “Group of Ten” or “Big Green” environmental organizations (which include the Sierra Club, Greenpeace, the National Audubon Society, and the Environmental Defense Fund, among others) states: “Your organizations continue to support and promote policies which emphasize the clean-up and protection of the environment on the backs of working people in general and people of color in particular.” The letter lists specific examples of environmental injustice and states that large environmental groups receive funding from big polluters, a definite conflict of interest.
Georgetown law professor Sheryll Cashin makes the connection between environmental injustice and the failure to integrate communities. She states that racism is behind suburban sprawl as whites move to areas they consider to be safer and to have better schools. This has the effect of increasing the use of cars as transportation, which in itself has negative environmental consequences. It also has the effect of creating predominantly higher-income white communities which have more influence and thus receive more public dollars for infrastructure. Minority and less affluent communities subsidize the wealthy white communities to their own detriment.
There are environmental groups that are trying to create greater diversity. But without a discussion of the many ways that racism and classism infect our culture, and without a real shift in behavior and priorities, diversity alone is not an antidote.
Environmental Injustice: Killing Invisible Communities
Although environmental injustice has been going on since at least the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, the environmental justice movement is relatively new. Bullard wrote the first book documenting the rise of the environmental justice movement, “Dumping in Dixie,” in the 1990s. He looked at the locations of landfills and incinerators in Houston for a legal case that his wife was litigating and found that: “100 percent of all the city-owned landfills in Houston were in black neighborhoods, though blacks made up only 25 percent of the population. Three out of four of the privately owned landfills were located in predominantly black neighborhoods, and six out of eight of the city-owned incinerators.”
Houston continues to be an area that is plagued with environmental injustice. It is the home of one of the most toxic areas in the United States, the community of Manchester. Dr. Coleman-Adebayo describes the primarily Latino neighborhood,: “Surrounding the Manchester community is the Valero reﬁnery, a trash incinerator; Rhodia chemical, Goodyear Tire, and Texas Petro-Chemical Group plants; Lyondell Basell refinery and Westway liquid storage terminals (massive tanks). Adding insult to the already overburdened community is a car crushing facility, 17 railway crossings, and a major highway with industrial trucks inundating the community 24 hours a day 365 days a year as they go to and from the Houston Ship Channel.”
Rue, an environmental justice activist working with the Manchester community, adds that the two refineries sit at the end of the Keystone XL pipeline and will process most of the bitumen coming from the Alberta tar sands. There are currently seven different known carcinogens in the air in Manchester and other chemicals that are affecting the health of the community. Children are 56 percent more likely to develop leukemia if they live within two miles of the Houston Shipyard (which includes Manchester) than if they live ten miles away. What other toxins will be expelled when the tar sands are processed?
Despite the documented health effects and the increased focus on Manchester due to the Keystone XL pipeline, the broader Houston community and environmental groups are not taking any steps to stop this environmental injustice. However, the residents of Manchester are organizing. They recently sent a letter to the EPA asking the new head, Gina McCarthy, to enforce EPA laws. In fact, Rue states that their “research proves that these facilities cannot operate within EPA guidelines and they self-report, but the EPA has done nothing, not even fined them.”
Manchester is one of many communities throughout the United States that is suffering because corporations and the wealthy have more political power than they do. What is happening in minority communities seems to be invisible to mainstream society. Journalist and commentator Chris Hedges calls communities like Manchester “sacrifice zones.” He writes about others in his book with graphic artist Joe Sacco, Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt. People are suffering and dying in these places because their homes are dumping grounds for the waste that fuels our consumer society.
There are thousands of frontline communities, like Manchester, that are fighting for the right to survive in their homes. But they are fighting against a system that is rigged against them. A report, “The American Environmental Justice Movement,” illustrates the problem:
In addition, environmental justice proponents contend that governmental policy is also bent toward the deliberate targeting of communities of color for toxic waste disposal and also the establishing of polluting industries in those communities. Further, policy and legislation not only permit but also endorse the official sanctioning of life-threatening poisons and pollutants being located in communities of color. Environmental justice advocates also contend that residents of victimized people groups are ostracized from access to political power and consequently have been excluded from service on decision-making boards and regulatory bodies, thereby subtly yet deliberately promoting environmental injustice and environmental racism.
Not only do frontline communities lack a voice, they also lack resources to fight laws that are too weak to protect them or that discriminate against them. For example, the oil and gas industry is exempt from many federal regulations, including the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act and the Superfund law. And when it comes to discrimination, frontline groups have the burden of proving there was an intention to discriminate.
Conclusion: Strength in Diversity in the Environment and Advocacy
The environmental movement should know from its understanding of ecology that diversity is stronger than homogeneity. Diversity allows the environment, whether species of plants or animals, to survive stress and thrive with greater creativity. The same power of diversity would strengthen the environmental movement and government agencies. It would bring new perspectives and innovative approaches to environmental problems.
The environmental movement also knows the Gaia Principle, that the Earth is one system and that all aspects of the ecological system are connected. With this principle in mind, allowing toxicity and pollution in poor, black and Latino communities is an injury to the entire ecological system. If the voices of people in those communities were respected, the environmental movement would be pushing for solutions that protect all – for example, ending the extraction economy, not just stopping one pipeline; protecting wild forests with measures that do not result in pollution in urban areas; developing new land-use planning that does not involve sprawl and suburban spread that facilitates racial division.
To really solve the environmental crises that we face, we must also address economic injustice and inequity. As Bullard told Grist, “This whole question of environment, economics, and equity is a three-legged stool. If the third leg of that stool is dealt with as an afterthought, that stool won’t stand. The equity components have to be given equal weight. But racial and economic and social equity can be very painful topics: people get uncomfortable when questions of poor people and race are raised.”
And the time has come to have real conversations about racism and classism, how they permeate and affect our society. We cannot just pretend to be colorblind, as if race and class do not matter. When Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. said, “I look to a day when people will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character,” it did not mean that we should all become homogenous. No, our diversity remains – our black, brown, red and white skins remain, our historic ethnic heritage remains, and the experiences of different communities do not disappear. Racial, ethnic and economic fairness do not mean we cannot recognize the strength in our diversity. Rather, our diversity is something to celebrate.
As the ecological system is stronger in its diversity, we must also recognize that environmental advocacy – indeed, all social and economic justice advocacy – is strengthened by our human diversity. We should not be colorblind, but embrace and find strength and wisdom in our differences as part of the work to end racism and classism.
You can listen to Racism in Government/NGOs and Environmental Injustice with Dr. Marsha Coleman-Adebayo, Lawrence Lucas, Norris McDonald and Rue on Clearing the FOG.
click here: (HTML) (PDF 65KB)
Fazal Rahman, Ph.D. August 4, 2003
The USDA Class Action Case #020077, EEOC Appeal Docket #01A24350 involves the highly institutionalized and systematic anti-civil rights, anti-equal opportunity, and racist discriminatory policies, practices, and actions of the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) bureaucracy against all the minorities in this country for a prolonged period of time. Countless human beings, belonging to various minority communities, have suffered immeasurable and severe damages to their lives and careers as a result of such policies, practices, and actions.
In the recent settlement of the class action case of the Black farmers, involving decades of destructive racist discrimination by the USDA bureaucracy, $1 billion were paid out to them. There are also huge class action cases by the Native Americans and Hispanic Americans pending in the courts against the USDA. At this time, there are around ten different class action cases, all involving same or similar problems and issues of racist discrimination, by various minority groups, against the USDA. At this stage of the development of these problems, it would be in the best interests of justice, fairness, rationality, logic, and minorities’ rights, as well as of economy of public financial and human resources to consolidate all these mutually fragmented and isolated cases and process and adjudicate them together in the interests of equal justice and fairness for all. This class action case provides an excellent opportunity for such a consolidation as it is on behalf of all the minorities and is inclusive of all their various issues, problems, and concerns in the areas of civil rights, equal opportunity, and discrimination. The USDA itself is unlikely to take such an initiative. It can only be forced to do so by the EEOC, Congress, and public pressure. I have written to the EEOC and USDA in this regard but have received no response.
As such in-depth analysis and proposal for a complex study in the most advanced areas of social psychoanalysis, as contained in this new writing, take considerable effort and time, I was unable to submit these thus far. However, I had identified and discussed many of these problems in my previously submitted documents which are part of my case file, e.g., My 65-page report of May 19, 1999, Multidimensional discrimination and racism in the US Department of Agriculture, other agricultural and scientific establishments, and the so-called “equal opportunity” organizations in the USA (in Exhibit A and Exhibit E of the Case File); my writing of October 2, 2002, Continued US Department of Agriculture’s stonewalling and grotesque tactics and actions in “processing” Class Action Case #020077, EEOC Appeal Docket #01A24350: From the theatre of absurd to the theatre of sinister (Enclosure B3, Exhibit E, in the Case File).
I request that this new analysis and proposal for the social psychoanalytic study of the problems of civil rights, equal opportunity, and discrimination in the USDA be integrated with the previously submitted documents in my case file in this regard, as further substantiation of problems and issues discussed there as well as part of the efforts for their resolution. It is also requested that the study proposed in this document be considered as one of the requirements for the settlement of this class action case.
What are some of the basic causes of such sinister and damaging problems of discrimination, civil rights, and equal opportunity in the USDA? In my 1999 report and various other writings, I briefly discussed the enormous role of cultural and mass psychological problems in the USDA bureaucracy in the generation, maintenance, and application of the culture and system of anti-civil rights, anti-equal opportunity, and racist discrimination against the minorities in practice, while paying hypocritical lip service to civil rights and equal opportunity in verbal and written declarations and pronouncements. The massive contradictions, hypocrisy, and schizophrenia involved in this regard are now transparent to everyone except the USDA bureaucrats themselves who continue to deny the reality most stubbornly and irrationally. Sigmund Freud, the father of modern psychology, had identified such irrational stubbornness and denial of reality as “ Anal Character”.
It is now common knowledge among the psychological community that problems of abnormal and unhealthy psychology and attitudes are widespread in many of the large public and private organizations. Such problems have been found to be particularly severe in some federal government organizations. Some highly competent, knowledgeable, and experienced psychologists have done in-depth studies and surveys of these problems and some have published the results of such studies, for example, Douglas La Bier in his book Modern Madness: The Emotional Fallout of Success (1) and other publications (2, 3, 4), and Michael Maccoby in his book The Gamesman (5). Both LaBier and Maccoby interviewed, studied, and analyzed large numbers of personnel in various large government and private organizations. Some of their findings are extremely relevant to the sinister civil rights situation in the USDA and the underlying sick culture and mass psychology of hypocrisy; denial of reality; intoxication with and lust for petty or significant power, most selfish forms of careerism combined with the most sinister callousness towards the lives and careers of minorities as well as towards the issues and values of justice, truth, goodness, integrity, and quality; and incredibly uniform resistance and imperviousness to any genuine positive changes in the areas of civil rights and equal opportunity as well as to truth, justice, and improvement and development of the Agency. These are all huge symptoms of the underlying pathologies of the mass psychology, behavior, and culture in the Agency.
LaBier found that under the façade of surface sanity, many of the top leaders and managers of some government agencies and private organizations, were profoundly and severely mentally disturbed and sick. He also found that such mental sickness and disturbance were also prevalent among the middle and lower level managerial and supervisory staff, both as a result of diffusion from the top as well as the sick environment and norms of these organizations. His most important finding and insight consists of the discovery that the culture and environment of many large organizations encourage, nurture, and reward such sick attitudes, behavior, motivations, and values. Within these organizations, these are the keys to success in one’s career!!! Hence, people who are predisposed to such sick attitudes, behavior, and perverted values, adapt to the “norms” of such organizations more readily and easily than those who are not. In terms of lusting for power, he found two general categories of officials:
1. Those who craved for power to exercise it over others.
2. Those who craved for being subjected to power and subordinated to it loyally, unquestioningly, and obediently
Both these categories are based on irrational and sick drives and desires and complement and reinforce each other. Of course, not everyone in these organizations is like that. But a large number are. Within the sick environments of such organizations, such profoundly psychologically unhealthy and abnormal people appear to be “normal” (Surface Sanity) and many even function well, successfully climbing the ladder of their careers, while many psychologically healthy and normal people develop outward symptoms of stress and conflicts of values, ideals, and philosophies, which may make them appear disturbed outside. Hence the paradox: outwardly normal looking people, profoundly sick and disturbed inside (Type 1 personality); and outwardly sick appearing people, healthy inside and in their human nature and disturbed because of their inner health in the sick, impersonal, and often inhuman environment of the organization, with which they have difficulties in adapting to (Type 2 personality). The outwardly normal appearing but sick and abnormal inside people (Type 1) find it much easier to compromise their values, goals, ideals, and philosophies –their self and identity- as trade-offs for career success and material rewards and comforts than the people who are healthy inside and in their human nature but become disturbed precisely because of the conflicts they experience between their inner health and the external sickness in their environments (Type 2). In addition, the inner health of many of the Type 1 gets further eroded because of over adaptation, and constant compromises and tradeoffs in which much of their values, ideals, selves, and identities get compromised, lost, and replaced by the values of careerism, lust for power, and materialism, the norms of almost all the large organizations in this country. The research of LaBier and Maccoby found that these problems are much worse in some federal government agencies than in the private sector.
It is also relevant to mention a study by the National Institute of Mental Health which estimated that almost 20 percent of all Americans have a diagnosed mental disorder, with anxiety, substance abuse, and depression being the most common problems (6). The actual incidence of mental disorders in this society is certainly much higher as these estimates only consist of people who have sought help from the mental health system. There are numerous others who suffer from such disorders but have not entered the mental health system. Estimates of people who suffer from work-related problems like stress, burnout, acute psychiatric symptoms, as well as from a broad range of work-related values conflicts, malaise, and loss of identity, range as high as 45 percent (7).
The USDA is a huge federal government organization. It is obviously overflowing with officials of Type 1 personalities [appearing normal outside (Surface Sanity) but profoundly sick and abnormal inside (Modern Madness)]. The organizational environment of USDA is characterized by extreme and petty power lust and power intoxication; selfish careerism and materialism; lawlessness, opportunism, denial of reality, and conformity to the status quo in the areas of civil rights and equal opportunity; and mass psychology and culture of racist discrimination as well as hypocrisy in these areas. It is very likely that numerous USDA officials, especially those at the higher levels and in the Orwellian so-called “Office of Civil Rights” and Office of General Counsel, have developed extreme cases of Type 1 personality and are very sick and abnormal inside, while maintaining the façade of Surface Sanity and appearing “normal” to each other within the sick and perverted culture and environment of USDA. Even though they appear to be “normal” and are functioning “normally” within such culture and environment, their inner sickness and abnormalities are self-evident and gigantic in their policies, practices, and actions in the areas of civil rights and equal opportunity. These are not perceived as such within the sick and conformist environment of the Agency. Hence, their inner sickness and abnormalities remain hidden and covered up in the general cultural, mass psychological, and professional environment of USDA. But thus covered up and disguised sickness has caused immeasurable damages to all the minorities in this country and to their most elementary rights and interests.
Evidence of many forms of such inner sickness can be found in my own case files. In the “processing” of my various cases of discrimination, the Agency officials routinely engaged in policies, practices, and actions which revealed their extreme inner sickness and abnormalities, covered up by nothing but totally imbecilic and irrational, yet authoritarian, statements (a form of Surface Sanity which is not even that but constitutes Surface Insanity as well, hence, inner sickness layered over by the Surface Insanity in these cases. A self-confident and conscious sickness, revealing itself audaciously because of the confidence in its impunity). It is almost certain that such evidence of the self-confident inner sickness of the various USDA officials will be found in abundance in the various case files of the cases of other minority victims as well.
That there has been, and continues, a most sinister anti-civil rights, anti-equal opportunity, and racist-discriminatory environment at the USDA, is now self-evident and beyond question to almost everyone except the officials who are leading the USDA and its various agencies and offices. The continued denial of reality in this regard, in face of all the undeniable evidence, some of which is contained in USDA’s own reports, constitutes one of the many gigantic and obvious symptoms of the underlying pathology of the mass psychology as well as the individual psychologies of the mainstream USDA officials. These problems seem to be especially prevalent among the leadership and other officials of the Orwellian so-called “Office of Civil Rights” and the Office of General Counsel.
In a huge federal government organization, like the USDA, problems in the areas of civil rights, equal opportunity, and racial composition of the workforce are obviously the products of various interacting historical, politico-economic, cultural, and mass psychological factors. Among these, at the contemporary phase of history, the cultural and mass psychological factors are playing the most powerful role in these areas and are constantly reproducing the status quo, in spite of all the empty lip service, critical and self-critical reports, and superficial cosmetic and mechanistic measures to the contrary. Any serious and sincere effort to understand and address these problems at the USDA would necessarily involve a systematic investigation of their relation to the underlying cultural and mass psychological environment at the Agency as well as the role of individual psychology, behavior, and values of the selected officials of the relevant offices and agencies of USDA. Such studies have been conducted by some highly competent and advanced social psychologists like Douglas LaBier and Michael Maccoby, involving personnel of large government and private organizations, including some federal government agencies, in the US, in relation to the formation of mass psychology, behavior, and values etc. in these organizations and their interaction with those of the individual employees and the resultant effects on the mental health and the policies, practices, actions, and productivity. Hence, such a study of these processes in relation to the long standing problems in the areas of civil rights, equal opportunity, and cultural and mass psychological environment at the USDA is not only feasible but essential.
The existence of these problems and their denial and whitewashing by the USDA bureaucracy have caused immeasurable damages to countless minority victims as well as to the minorities’ elementary interests as a whole. Therefore, such an investigation will be of particular importance to all the minorities in this country. However, it will also be in the general public interest as it involves a huge issue, addressing deeply entrenched injustice, lies, hypocrisy, unfairness, inequality, racism, discrimination, and systematic violations of civil rights and equal opportunity laws by the officials of a very large federal government agency.
Methodology of the study
First and foremost, it will be of the greatest importance to engage the services of a psychologist who is knowledgeable, informed and experienced in the methods of social psychoanalysis. Most of the mainstream psychologists are totally ignorant and unqualified for such a task. Dr. Douglas LaBier is the most qualified, knowledgeable, and experienced psychologist in this area. He has worked as a consultant to government agencies and business organizations and is also on the faculty of Washington School of Psychiatry. He should be contacted to see whether he will consider handling such a study. Michael Maccoby would be another good possibility. I do not know Drs. LaBier or Maccoby personally but have read some of their relevant research and publications in these areas. Needless to say that my participation, as the Class Agent of this case, in the selection of the psychologist for this proposed study, will be of utmost importance. Such selection will need to be done with my agreement and approval.
The details of methodology and design of the study will, of course, be worked out by the leader of this study. As I myself have developed considerable knowledge and information in psychology and psychoanalysis as well as about the USDA, its culture, mass psychology, officials, and problems and issues in the areas of civil rights, equal opportunity, and discrimination, I could also contribute to this study by participating both as a victim and as a researcher and investigator. I can also help in the methodology and designing of this study. Some of the methods I would propose would involve interviews with selected officials of the relevant agencies and offices of the USDA as well as with minorities who have had civil rights and equal opportunity problems with the Agency, including those who have filed complaints over the past twenty years. Study of the case files of various civil rights and discrimination cases over the past twenty years will provide the most valuable information and insights into these matters.
The psychologist and his team should be able to make a social diagnosis of the problems and issues, using the methods of social psychoanalysis. He should also be able to advise on the solution of these problems and issues.
Long standing, deeply entrenched, complex, and gigantic problems in the areas of civil rights and equal opportunity, that exist in the USDA, cannot be understood or addressed by shallow, mechanistic, cosmetic, and intellectually inadequate and deficient approaches, reports, or measures. For a correct understanding and rectification of such problems, it is absolutely essential to investigate their mass psychological, cultural, and environmental roots, causes, and nature. Only on such a solid basis, the appropriate measures for their resolution can be discovered.
It is proposed that the financial resources for this study be provided by the USDA as it is responsible for the existence, maintenance, and perpetuation of these problems within its organization as well as for their systematic denial and cover up. They have systematically caused immeasurable and irreparable damages to the lives and careers of countless minority victims as well as to the elementary rights of minorities as a whole. The least that can be done in this huge crime against the minorities is to attempt to identify and understand the real nature and causes of this matter. Only then, it will become possible to talk about the appropriate remedies.
1. LaBier, D. Modern Madness: The Emotional Fallout of Success. Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., Inc. 1986.
2. LaBier, D. Uncle Sam’s working wounded. The Washington Post Magazine, February 17, 1980.
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Fazal Rahman, Ph.D.
Email: unpollutedfaz(at)aol.com Telephone: (602)539-1440